The Missing Link? The Relationship between Spatial Mobility and Social Mobility-猫眼课题宝

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1988

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M. Savage

关于社会流动性的社会学著作忽略了考虑向上的社会流动性是否与个人的地理流动性相关。本文认为，两者之间没有必然的联系，但在战后的英国，代内社会流动性与工人通过官僚组织内部劳动力市场的晋升联系在一起，这常常意味着这些工人必须重新安置到该组织的不同地点。在这种情况下，社会流动性和空间流动性之间存在着显着的联系，尽管这一联系尚未得到充分研究。然而，我认为，随着近年来公共和私营部门组织的紧缩，这种向上的社会流动性正变得越来越不重要。因此，社会和空间流动性之间的联系减弱了。我推测这对阶级形成和政治联盟模式的影响。在本文中，我将研究社会流动性与地理流动性相关的假设，因此那些最有能力进行地理流动的人也最有可能实现代内社会流动性（即在其工作生涯中）。就其本身而言，这似乎是一个完全合理的想法：毕竟有许多研究表明晋升取决于员工是否准备好搬迁（例如 Crompton and Jones 1984，Prandy et al. 1982）。然而，令人放心的是，这些研究几乎总是顺便注意到这一点，很少对这个问题给予持续的分析关注。这在一定程度上反映了这样一个事实：尽管社会流动性研究相当复杂，但它们几乎仍然对空间问题不感兴趣。因此，Goldthorpe 等人报告的 Nuffield 流动性研究。（1980）没有考虑社会流动模式是否存在任何区域或地方差异，而只是简单地假设全国调查应该是适当的分析空间单位。苏格兰流动性研究英国社会学杂志卷 =vUiXIX 第 4 期此内容于 2016 年 4 月 12 日星期二 09:43:45 UTC 从 157.55.39.186 下载全部使用受 http://about.jstor.org/terms 缺少链接？ Payne (1987a, 1987b) 报告的 555 声称考虑了苏格兰案例的特殊性，但随后愉快地得出结论认为，在苏格兰发现的模式可能是其他西方工业国家的典型模式。鉴于佩恩认为社会流动性与职业变化模式密切相关，这种对地方层面的忽视更令人惊讶。由于我们知道英国境内的职业变化在空间上存在差异（例如参见 Massey 1984），因此似乎在不同地区必须发现不同的社会流动模式，但这个问题并未提出，更不用说解决了。社会学家对空间问题的忽视部分反映了这样一个事实：关于空间流动性的地理学文献相当匮乏。众所周知，空间流动性具有高度的社会特异性（例如 Johnston 等人，1974），较高的社会群体流动性更大，但很少有人持续关注其原因和后果。同样，最近远距离迁移的急剧下降几乎没有被注意到，更不用说解释了。大多数可能的解释仍然是未经检验的假设。例如，考虑一下关注女性经济活动率增长的论点，从而增加双职工家庭的数量（例如 Abercrombie 和 Urry 1983：138）。有人认为，在这种情况下，一个挣钱的人要搬到别处去工作会更加困难，因为家庭中的另一个挣钱的人会失去工作。虽然这可能是一个常识性的解释，但还没有任何研究试图证明这一点。事实上，有两个理论上的考虑可以立即提出来反对它：首先，通常由女性从事的许多工作在全国范围内都有需求（因此她们可能具有相对流动性），其次，鉴于家庭内部的不平等，男性为了更好的工作而搬家的决定可能会优先于女性可能遭受的任何失业或职业损失。忽视地域流动性问题的原因很大程度上归因于一种观点占主导地位，即流动资本与基本静态的劳动力形成对比（例如 Urry 1981、Massey 1984、Harvey 1985）。尽管激进的地理学家在分析资本流动性方面已变得相当专家，但人员流动性充其量在理论上被认为是无趣的，在最坏的情况下被认为是政治上的转移注意力。然而，为了证实有关当代资本主义重组的社会影响的许多论点，考虑移民问题实际上至关重要。例如，考虑一下尤里著名的论点（1981），即资本的高度流动性往往会导致“地方社会运动”，因为地方内不同的社会群体联合起来竞标自由投资，从而有助于在此过程中破坏基于阶级的政治。只有当一个地方的所有社会群体都同样固定于此，因此他们都需要联合起来鼓励投资时，这一论点才成立。事实上，如果某些社交团体于2016年4月12日星期二09:43:45 UTC从157.55.39.186下载此内容，所有使用均受http://about.jstor.org/terms的约束

Sociological writing on social mobility has neglected to consider whether upward social mobility is linked to an individual's geographical mobility. This paper argues that there is no necessary link, but that in post-war Britain, where much intra-generational social mobility has been linked to workers' being promoted through internal labour markets of bureaucratic organisations this frequently means that these workers have to be re-located to different sites of that organisation. In these circumstances there is a significantthough under-researchedlink between social and spatial mobility. I argue that this type of upward social mobility is however becoming less important as public and private sector organisations have retrenched in recent years. thence the link between social and spatial mobility has declined. I speculate on the implications of this for patterns of class formation and political alignment. In this paper I will examine the hypothesis that social mobility is linked to geographical mobility, so that those individuals who are best able to move geographically are also most likely to achieve intragenerational social mobility (i.e. within the course of their working life). In itself this seems a perfectly reasonable idea: after all there are many studies which state that promotion depends on workers being prepared to move location (e.g. Crompton andJones 1984, Prandy et al. 1982). It is however rather disarming to realise that these studies nearly always note this in passing and rarely give the issue any sustained analytical attention. This partly reflects the fact that despite the considerable sophistication of social mobility studies they nearly all remain uninterested in spatial issues. Thus the Nuflield Mobility Study reported by Goldthorpe et al. (1980) does not consider whether there are any regional or local differences in the pattern of social mobility but simply assumes that a national survey should be the appropriate spatial unit of analysis. The Scottish Mobility Study The British Journal of Sociology Volume =vUiXIX Number 4 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.186 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 09:43:45 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The missing link? 555 reported by Payne (1987a, 1987b) claims to consider the specificity of the Scottish case, but then blithely concludes that the patterns found in Scotland are probably typical of other Western industrial countries. This neglect of the sub-national dimension is more surprising in the light of Payne's arguments that social mobility is closely related to patterns of occupational change. Since we know that occupational change is spatially differentiated within the UK (see e.g. Massey 1984) it seems probable that different patterns of social mobility must be found in different areas, but this issue is not raised, let alone resolved. In part the neglect of spatial issues by sociologists reflects the fact that geographical literature on spatial mobility has been rather poor. It is well known that spatial mobility is highly socially specific (e.g. Johnston et al. 1974) with higher social groups being more mobile, but there has been little sustained attention to the causes and consequences of this. In a similar vein the recent quite dramatic decline in long distance migration has hardly been noted, let alone explained. Most of the possible explanations remain untested hypotheses. Consider, for instance the argument focusing on the growth of female economic activity rates, so increasing the number of dual earner households (e.g. Abercrombie and Urry 1983: 138). In these circumstances, it is argued, it is more difficult for one earner to move in order to take on a job elsewhere since the other earner in the household will lose their job. Now while this may appeal as a commonsense explanation, there are no studies which make any attempt to demonstrate it. In fact two theoretical considerations can instantly be advanced against it: firstly that many of jobs usually done by women are in demand throughout the country (and hence they may be relatively mobile) and secondly that given inequality within the household a man's decision to move for a better job may be given preference over any loss of job or career the woman may suffer. The reason for the neglect of issues of geographical mobility owes much to the dominance of a perspective whereby mobile capital is contrasted with a largely static workforce (e.g. Urry 1981, Massey 1984, Harvey 1985) . Whereas radical geographers have become rather expert in analysing the mobility of capital, the mobility of people is at best seen as theoretically un-interesting, and at worst politically diversionary. Yet in order to subtantiate many of the arguments made about the social implications of the restructuring of contemporary capitalism it is in fact vital to consider the issue of migration. Consider, for instance, Urry's well known argument (1981) that the hyper-mobility of capital tends to lead to 'local social movements' as different social groups within localities ally to bid for footloose investment, so helping to undermine class based politics in the process. This argument would only hold if it were true that all social groups within a locality were equally fixed to it, so that they all needed to ally to encourage investment. In fact, if some social groups This content downloaded from 157.55.39.186 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 09:43:45 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

The Missing Link? The Relationship between Spatial Mobility and Social Mobility

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