Language acquisition and conceptual development: Children's weak interpretations of universally quantified questions
Language acquisition and conceptual development: Children's weak interpretations of universally quantified questions
复制标题
语言习得和概念发展:儿童对普遍量化问题的薄弱解释
DOI:
10.1017/cbo9780511620669.014
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发表时间:
2001
影响因子:
1.2
通讯作者:
K. Drozd
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
K. Drozd
Children's reasoning with universal quantifiers like every and all has been an important topic in developmental psychology and psycholinguistics since Piaget's class inclusion studies. One puzzle is why children make two particular kinds of unexpected responses when asked questions like Is every boy riding an elephant?One type of error occurs when a child is presented with a picture like those shown in figures 12.1 a and b and asked to judge whether every boy is riding an elephant in that context. The picture in figure 12.1 a depicts an incomplete one-to-one matching context in which each of three boys is riding a different elephant, leaving one elephant unridden. Figure 12.1 b depicts a many-toone matching in which three boys are all riding one elephant, leaving two elephants unridden. Adults typically say yes on these tasks, but some children say no. When asked to explain, they point out the unridden elephant or elephants, in a way that suggests that they expected to see each of the elephants matched with a boy. Let us call this the “exhaustive pairing error." The other type of error occurs when children are presented with a picture like that in figure 12.2 and asked the same question. Some children answer yes on this task, suggesting that they may fail to search exhaustively through an entire domain of objects, even when that domain is perceptually available. Let us call this the" underexhaustive pairing error." Why do children make these errors? Previous accounts all assume that children know the meaning of universal quantifiers but construct syntactic or semantic representations for universally quantified sentences which do not properly constrain how the domain of quantification is selected. As I will show, none of these accounts can explain the specific kinds of contextdependent interpretations which characterize these errors. I will argue instead for an alternative hypothesis, namely that children analyze universal quantifiers as weak quantifiers. The class of weak quantifiers, which includes two, some, and many, exhibits particular contextual dependencies and inferential properties which distinguish them from so-called" strong" quantifiers like every, all, and most. I support the Weak Quantifier Hypothesis (1) by showing how properties of both of the errors children