Triggering and blocking effects in the diachronic development of DOM in Romanian
Triggering and blocking effects in the diachronic development of DOM in Romanian
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罗马尼亚语 DOM 历时发展的触发和阻塞效应
DOI：
10.1515/probus.2008.003
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发表时间：
2008
影响因子：
0.8
通讯作者：
Edgar Onea Gáspár
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Klaus von Heusinger;Edgar Onea Gáspár
摘要根据最近的研究，罗曼语中区别对象标记（DOM）的历时发展预计将从确定性等级高的元素开始，并稳步扩展到确定性等级低的元素，其中每个发展步骤都由细粒度的语义区分促进，这些语义区分充当触发条件（参见von Heusinger和Kaiser 2005）。在罗马尼亚语中，直到世纪都可以观察到预期的发展路线，然而这种单向的演变在世纪前后令人惊讶地逆转了：今天用介词pe标记不确定直接宾语的条件比两个世纪前更受限制。在这项研究中，我们提出了DOM在罗马尼亚语的历时发展的基础上，历时语料库组成的圣经翻译从不同的世纪。我们认为，DOM从一个指称范畴到另一个指称范畴的过渡，例如从专有名词到有定名词，从有定名词到无定名词，是由于DOM所扩展到的范畴中的某种区别而实现的。例如，在16世纪世纪，罗马尼亚DOM传播到确定的NP，使得具有强烈独特解释的第一个NP被pe-marked，而其他确定的NP仅在稍后的步骤中接收DOM，该步骤涉及这种暂时区别的中和。然而，罗马尼亚的数据表明，这种精细的区分不仅可能发生在DOM正在传播的类别中，而且可能发生在已经标记的引用类别中。在这种情况下，短暂的区别可能会触发DOM中的回归。这是在19世纪的情况下，当特定的不确定的NP往往pe-marked和不同类型的指称锚定之间的新的语义区分涉及到pe-marking的语义进口的重新解释，这样的不确定的直接对象的某一部分系统地失去DOM。我们认为，这种新的语义区别的触发器是罗马尼亚语的附着力加倍系统的独立发展，DOM得到强烈的相关性：附着力加倍和DOM之间的相关性结合了两个略有不同的语义特征，我们将模型的精细结构的特异性。这些特征的结合导致了语用动因的语言变化。
Abstract According to recent studies, the diachronic development of differential object marking (DOM) in Romance is expected to start from elements high on the definiteness scale and spread steadily to elements low on the definiteness scale, whereby each development step is facilitated by fine-grained semantic distinctions which act as triggering conditions (cf. von Heusinger and Kaiser 2005). In Romanian the expected line of development can be observed until the 19th century, however this unidirectional evolution is surprisingly reversed around the 19th–20th century: the conditions for the marking of indefinite direct objects with the preposition pe are more restrained today than two centuries ago. In this study we present the diachronic development of DOM in Romanian based on a diachronic corpus consisting of Bible translations from different centuries. We shall contend that the transition of DOM from one referential category to another, such as from proper names to definite NPs and from definite NPs to indefinite NPs is enabled by some distinction in the category DOM is spreading to. For instance in 16th century Romanian DOM spreads to definite NPs such that first NPs having a strong unique interpretation get pe-marked while other definite NPs receive DOM only in a later step involving the neutralization of this transitory distinction. However, Romanian data show that such a fine-graded distinction may not only occur in the category DOM is spreading to but also inside of referential categories already pe-marked. In this case the transitory distinction may trigger a regress in DOM. This is the case in the 19th century, when specific indefinite NPs are often pe-marked and a new semantic distinction between different types of referential anchoring involves a re-interpretation of the semantic import of pe-marking such that a certain part of indefinite direct objects systematically lose DOM. We shall argue that the trigger of this new semantic distinction is the independent development of the Romanian clitic doubling system which DOM gets strongly correlated to: the correlation between clitic doubling and DOM combines two slightly different semantic features, which we shall model by the fine structure of specificity. The combination of these features leads to pragmatically motivated language change.