Deriving Feature Inheritance from the Copy Theory of Movement
Deriving Feature Inheritance from the Copy Theory of Movement
复制标题
从运动复制理论推导出特征继承
DOI：
10.1515/tlr-2013-0021
复制
发表时间：
2014
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
Ángel J. Gallego
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Ángel J. Gallego
摘要本文对Chomsky（2007，2008）的特征继承进行了重新诠释，认为短语中心语和非短语中心语之间的句法关系必须被看作是同一性的关系：非短语中心语是短语中心语的（副本）。从这个角度来看，例如，C和T是词典中的一个且完全相同的单元，在派生期间可以（并且有时必须）经历内部合并（IM）过程的单元，创建不连续的对象（即，非平凡链），其引起明显的非相位头/相位头区别。分析有几个结果。首先，它提供了一个解释的事实，即阶段头的功能是由非阶段头继承（根据基于复制的方法，这是简单的自动）。其次，它解释了在案例协商系统中阶段和非阶段头“作为一个单元”的功能（如Chomsky 2004，Epstein et al. 2012）。第三，由于非相位头是相位头的副本，因此它们也不需要被视为词典中的无特征元素（仅作为特征容器，参见。理查兹2007）。第四，这种方法使我们可以省去C和T触发同时操作的想法（Chomsky 2008），或者T触发的操作实际上是由C（衍生）驱动的;这是受欢迎的，因为这两种选择都涉及有限的（基于阶段的）反周期性边际。最后，目前的分析使得有可能免除特征继承，理解为一个全新的，UG丰富，功能剥夺机制。拒绝这种普遍接受的关于特征继承的观点考虑了语法中特征移动的问题（Chomsky's 1995 Move F）。
Abstract This paper recasts Chomsky's (2007, 2008) Feature Inheritance, arguing that the syntactic relation between phase heads and non-phase heads must be regarded as that of identity: Non-phase heads are (copies of) phase heads. From this perspective, e.g., C and T are one and the very same unit in the lexicon, a unit that can (and sometimes must) undergo a process of Internal Merge (IM) during the derivation, creating a discontinuous object (i.e., a non-trivial chain) that gives rise to the – apparent – non-phase head / phase head distinction. The analysis has several consequences. Firstly, it provides an explanation for the fact that the features of phases heads are inherited by non-phase heads (under a copy-based approach, this is simply automatic). Secondly, it accounts for the functioning of phase and non-phase heads `as a unit' in the Case-agreement systems (as argued by Chomsky 2004, Epstein et al. 2012). Thirdly, since non-phase heads are copies of phase heads, it also follows that they need not be seen as feature-less elements in the lexicon (as mere feature receptacles, cf. Richards 2007). Fourthly, this approach allows us to dispense with the idea that either C and T trigger simultaneous operations (Chomsky 2008), or that the operations triggered by T are actually driven by C (derivatively); this is welcome, since both alternatives involve a restricted (phase-based) margin of countercyclicity. Finally, the present analysis makes it possible to dispense with Feature Inheritance, understood as a brandnew, UG enriching, feature-depriving mechanism. Rejecting this commonly accepted view of Feature Inheritance takes into account the problems attributed to feature-movement in the syntax (Chomsky's 1995 Move F).