Africa and the drugs trade revisited
Africa and the drugs trade revisited
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重新审视非洲和毒品贸易
DOI：
10.1080/03056244.2016.1170312
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发表时间：
2016
影响因子：
1.3
通讯作者：
H. Cross
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Gernot Klantschnig;M. Dimova;H. Cross
在20世纪90年代，非洲再次成为“新的前沿”-这一次是全球毒品战争。认识到非洲大陆卷入全球毒品贸易的重要性，该杂志于1999年专门为这一问题开辟了一期特刊（第26卷，第79期）。前一年，联合国举行了关于毒品问题的大会特别会议（联大特别会议），并发表了关于非洲毒品问题的第一份重要报告（药物管制署，1999年）。ROAPE对毒品贸易的关注源于当时的这些举措。下一届联大特别会议将于2016年4月举行，背景是全球毒品政策改革加速，整个非洲毒品市场扩大和转型。发展中国家在监督毒品方面的作用，以及在提供信息和制定更广泛的政策方面的作用，在纽约审议的筹备阶段增加了深度和难题。这期特刊抓住这一机会介绍和讨论来自整个非洲大陆的新研究，重温1999年探讨的一些主题，并介绍新的研究结果和途径。为了消除关于非洲“毒品问题”的神话，撰稿人的目标是引导学术和决策辩论，使其关注各种国家背景下的经验调查结果中出现的问题。自非洲区域办事处关于这一专题的第一期特刊发表以来，非洲大陆参与（非法）毒品生产、销售和消费的情况发生了一些显著变化。尼日利亚国家禁毒执法局等国家警务机构往往在外部捐助者的援助下扩大了能力。美国缉毒署在拉各斯、阿克拉、内罗毕和比勒陀利亚开设了办事处，并积极寻求与地方当局合作。一支多国海事工作队目前正在印度洋维持治安，并取得了创纪录的缉获量，例如仅2015年就在肯尼亚和坦桑尼亚海岸截获了超过1.5吨海洛因（CMF，2015年a，2015年b）。因此，贩运路线不断演变，以躲避日益加强的警务。非洲大陆的消费模式也发生了变化。一些非洲国家销售甚至生产甲基苯丙胺等新毒品（Mark，2013年）。以前仅限于大都市地区的物质现在逐渐进入农村地区（Syvertsen等人，2016年）。2015年4月，联合国毒品和犯罪问题办公室（UNODC）西非和中非代表Pierre Lapaque将非洲大陆描述为“未来的非法毒品市场”（Bouchaud 2015）。今天，非洲的毒品消费、贸易和生产是前联合国秘书长科菲·安南领导的一个特别委员会的主题，几乎每个非洲国家的媒体和政策制定者都在讨论这一问题（WACD 2014）。非洲联盟制定了2007-2012年和2013- 2018年两项《药物管制和预防犯罪行动计划》，这一事实表明了这一现象的大陆规模。然而，像拉帕克这样的声明传达了一个突然危机的形象，完全符合全球禁毒制度的更广泛的言论。它还与非洲特有的恐怖主义、腐败和国家“失败”的叙述产生了共鸣，这些叙述在过去15年里吸引了一系列观众。
In the 1990s Africa, once again, became ‘a new frontier’ – this time for the global war on drugs. Recognising the significance of the continent’s immersion in the global drug trade, this journal dedicated a pioneering special issue to the matter in 1999 (Vol. 26, No. 79). The previous year, the UN had held its General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) and published its first major report on drugs in Africa (UNDCP 1999). ROAPE’s focus on the drugs trade grew out of these initiatives at the time. The next UNGASS took place this year, in April 2016, against the backdrop of accelerating global drug policy reforms and the expansion and transformation of drug markets throughout Africa. The role of developing countries in policing drugs, but also in informing and shaping broader policy, added both depth and dilemmas in the run-up to the deliberations in New York. Seizing this opportune moment to present and discuss new research from across the continent, this special issue revisits some of the themes explored in 1999 and introduces new findings and avenues for research. Intended to dispel myths about Africa’s ‘drug problem’, contributors aim to steer both the academic and policymaking debate towards issues emerging from empirical findings in a variety of country contexts. The parameters of the continent’s involvement in the production, sale and consumption of (illicit) drugs have been subject to a number of notable changes since ROAPE’s first special issue on the topic. National policing bodies such as Nigeria’s National Drug Law Enforcement Agency have expanded their capacity, often with the assistance of external donors. The US Drug Enforcement Administration has opened offices in Lagos, Accra, Nairobi and Pretoria, and actively seeks to collaborate with local authorities. A multinational maritime task force is now policing the Indian Ocean and making record seizures, such as the more than 1.5 tonnes of heroin intercepted off the coast of Kenya and Tanzania in 2015 alone (CMF 2015a, 2015b). As a result, trafficking routes have evolved to evade intensifying policing. Consumption patterns on the continent have also changed. New drugs, such as methamphetamines, are sold and even produced in a number of African countries (Mark 2013). Substances previously confined to metropolitan areas are now trickling into rural areas (Syvertsen et al. 2016). In April 2015, Pierre Lapaque, the West and Central Africa representative for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), described the continent as ‘the market of the future for illegal drugs’ (Bouchaud 2015). Today drug consumption, trade and production in Africa is the subject of a special commission headed by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and discussed by media and policymakers in almost every African country (WACD 2014). The fact that the African Union has developed two Plans of Action on Drug Control and Crime Prevention – for 2007–2012 and for 2013– 2018 – is indicative of the continental scale of the phenomenon. However, statements like Lapaque’s convey an image of a sudden crisis that fits neatly into the broader rhetoric of the global drug prohibition regime. It also resonates with Africa-specific narratives of terrorism, corruption and state ‘failure’, which have captivated a range of audiences in the past decade and a half.