Proceedings of the Workshop "Specificity and the Evolution / Emergence of Nominal Determination Systems in Romance"
Proceedings of the Workshop "Specificity and the Evolution / Emergence of Nominal Determination Systems in Romance"
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“浪漫中名义决定系统的特殊性和演变/出现”研讨会论文集
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发表时间：
2005
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通讯作者：
K. Heusinger
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作者：
K. Heusinger
这篇文章讨论了罗曼语家族（法语、意大利语、罗马尼亚语、西班牙语）之间的差异和显著的类型学相关性。它建议重新解释罗马中心语言（即法语和意大利语，都以不定冠词和分冠词为特征）中复杂的不定名词性决定系统，作为广义上的“名词性分类”的一种手段，标志着单一，轮廓和形状指称物与非轮廓物质之间概念上的重要区别。当拉丁语中的名义词缀部分或完全丢失时，这种分类系统就出现了，名义词缀通过明显的性别和数字词缀来区分这两个参考高度相关的认知概念。现代罗曼语中心语言几乎在每一个论点位置都需要强制（不确定的）确定，而现代罗曼语外围语言，如罗马尼亚语或西班牙语，拥有更简单、更灵活的确定系统，发展了一种不同的对象标记系统，以便在直接对象位置明确地指示轮廓和高度个性化的指示物。1. 尽管一些著名且富有成效的概括和假设假设所有罗曼语的名义决定的语义和句法系统都是相同的（例如Chierchia 1998， Longobardi 2001），(1)中的数据表明存在相当大的变化：(1)(a) Sp.：是否visto *(un) águila？主持人：As-tu vu *(un) aigle？它。有什么事要拜访阿奎拉吗？罗马：秃鹫？（你看到一只鹰了吗？）(b) Sp.: comppro pan。法语：J ' ach<e:1> *(du) pain。它。： Compro （del）窗格。Rom.: cumpourr (ni<e:1>) p<e:1>。（我买（一些）面包）。*这一贡献最初是作为对即将出版的由Alex Klinge和Henrik H. m<s:1> ller在John Benjamins编辑的关于名义决定的卷的贡献而出版的。它基于2004年8月在哥本哈根决心研讨会上首次发表的演讲，并整合了汉斯·坎普、朱塞佩·隆戈巴蒂、罗伯托·赞帕雷利、亨里克·米<e:1>勒和亚历克斯·克林格的非常有用的评论，当然，还有NEREUS II的参与者，我都非常感谢他们。罗曼史124 (c)语名测定中的类型相关性（Sp.: Me falta agua）Fr.: i me faut *(de l ')eau。它。： Mi occorre (dell ')acqua。Rom： Îmi trebuie (ni<e:1>) apei。我需要（一些）水。(d) Sp. Demostró paciencia en esta situación。神父：“耐心就是改变局面”。它。： Dimostrò （*della） pazienza in questa situazione。Rom.: demonstrbdare <e:1> n aceastsituaţie。（她在这种情况下表现出了耐心）(e) Sp.: Veo （a unos）学生们感到困难。神父：Je vois *(des) samudiants dans le batiment。它。Vedo (degli) student （degli）学生Rom.: v<e:1> (ni<e:1>) studenţi <e:1> n cl<e:1>。（我看到（一些）学生在大楼里）(f) Sp.: Salen students del edificio。神父：Il sorte *(des) samudiants du batiment。它。：埃斯科诺？学生们都很有教养。罗马：是的studenţi din clatirdire。在西班牙语、法语、意大利语和罗马尼亚语中，存在主义阅读的不定名词在罗马尼亚语的论点位置上表现出相当的异质特征。表1概述了三种最常见的、语法化程度最高的不定限定词，它们与不定名词一起出现在论点位置：西班牙语、法语、意大利语、罗马尼亚语“Zero”：抽象/“massdenoting”，很少使用：“entity-denoting”名词（非特定名词）：单数。复数名词短语（主要是口头表达）。‘ Zero ’：很少与抽象名词连用（只在或多或少的习惯表达中使用）。没有裸复数。“零”：抽象/“massdenoting”（非特定）：单数。复数名词短语（主要是口头表达）。“零”：抽象/“massdenoting”，“entitydenoting”（非特定）：单数。复数名词短语（主要是口头表达）。单数可数名词短语。单数可数名词短语。单数可数名词短语。单数可数名词短语。没有分词冠词。不可数单数名词短语中的abstract / massdenoting。不可数单数名词短语中的“质量表示”。没有分词冠词。表1：四种罗曼语言中不定标称限定词的分布1包括“零”作为可能的空限定词是为了类似的潜在句法结构（参见Longobardi ZS: 23：“那么，让我们试探性地假设，质量/复数与单数不同，可以由空限定词引入”）。
This contribution discusses divergences and significant typological correlations among the family of Romance languages (French, Italian, Romanian, Spanish). It proposes to reinterpret the complex system of indefinite nominal determination in central Romance languages (i.e. French and Italian, both featuring an indefinite article and a partitive article) as a device of ‘nominal classification’ in a broad sense, marking the conceptually important distinction between a single, contoured and shaped referent vs. a non-contoured substance. This classification system arose when nominal declension in Latin, which differentiated these two referentially highly relevant cognitive concepts via overt gender and number affixes, was partially or completely lost. In contrast to modern central Romance languages, which require obligatory (indefinite) determination in almost every argument position, modern peripheral Romance languages like Romanian or Spanish, possessing a simpler and more flexible system of determination, developed a system of differential object marking in order to unambiguously indicate contoured and highly individualized referents in direct object position. 1. The problem: Different systems of indefinite nominal determiners in Romance noun phrases Despite some well-known and fruitful generalizations and hypotheses assuming homogenous semantic and syntactic systems of nominal determination for all Romance languages (e.g. Chierchia 1998, Longobardi 2001), the data in (1) demonstrates that there is considerable variation: (1) (a) Sp.: Has visto *(un) águila? Fr.: As-tu vu *(un) aigle? It.: Hai visto *(un‘) aquila? Rom.: Ai văzut (un) vultur? (Did you see an eagle?) (b) Sp.: Compro pan. Fr.: J‘achète *(du) pain. It.: Compro (del) pane. Rom.: Cumpăr (nişte) pîine. (I buy (some) bread). ∗ This contribution is originally published as a contribution to a forthcoming volume on nominal determination edited by Alex Klinge and Henrik H. Müller at John Benjamins. It is based on a talk first given at the Copenhagen Determination Symposium in august 2004 and integrates very helpful comments by Hans Kamp, Giuseppe Longobardi, Roberto Zamparelli, Henrik Müller and Alex Klinge, and, of course, the participants of NEREUS II, which I all would like to thank very much. Typological correlations in nominal determination in Romance 124 (c) Sp.: Me falta agua. Fr.: Il me faut *(de l’)eau. It.: Mi occorre (dell’)acqua. Rom: Îmi trebuie (nişte) apă. (I need (some) water). (d) Sp.: Demostró paciencia en esta situación. Fr.: Elle montra *(de la) patience dans cette situation. It.: Dimostrò (*della) pazienza in questa situazione. Rom.: Demonstră răbdare în această situaţie. (She showed patience in this situation) (e) Sp.: Veo (a unos) estudiantes en el edificio. Fr.: Je vois *(des) étudiants dans le bâtiment. It.: Vedo (degli) studenti nell‘edificio. Rom.: Văd (nişte) studenţi în clădire. (I see (some) students in the building) (f) Sp.: Salen estudiantes del edificio. Fr.: Il sorte *(des) étudiants du bâtiment. It.: Escono ?(degli) studenti dall‘edificio. Rom.: Ies studenţi din clădire. ((Some) students leave the building) In Spanish, French, Italian and Romanian indefinite nominals with existential reading show quite heterogenous characteristics in argument position Romanian. Table 1 presents an overview over the three most frequent and grammaticalized indefinite determiners used with indefinite nominals in argument position: Spanish French Italian Romanian ‘Zero’: abstract / “massdenoting”, rarely: “entity-denoting“ nouns (non-specific): singular. Plural noun phrases (mostly postverbally). ‘Zero’: rarely with abstract nouns (only in more or less idiomatic expressions). No bare plurals. ‘Zero’: abstract / “massdenoting” (non-specific): singular. Plural noun phrases (mostly postverbally). ‘Zero’: abstract / “massdenoting”, “entitydenoting” (non-specific): singular. Plural noun phrases (mostly postverbally). Uno: singular countable noun phrases. Un: singular countable noun phrases. Uno: singular countable noun phrases. Un: singular countable noun phrases. No ‘partitive article’. Du: abstract / “massdenoting” in noncountable singular noun phrases. Del: “mass-denoting” in noncountable singular noun phrases. No ‘partitive article’. Table 1: Distribution of indefinite nominal determiners in four Romance languages 1 Including ‘zero’ as a possible null determiner for the sake of a similar underlying syntactic structure (cf. Longobardi ZS: 23: “Let us tentatively suppose, then, that mass/plurals, unlike singulars, can be introduced by an empty determiner.”).