Ungeneralizable minimality in Ndebele
Ungeneralizable minimality in Ndebele
复制标题
恩德贝莱语中不可概括的极简性
DOI：
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发表时间：
2010
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
L. Downing
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
L. Downing
韵律形态学中的一系列研究清楚地表明了韵律成分的重要性，如足作为调节语素大小的模板。这项研究的一个显著发现是，在许多语言中，形态基脚是独立于韵律基脚的，因为特定形态过程所需的基脚往往与重音分配等语音过程所需的基脚不相同。然而，近年来关于韵律形态学的优选论研究却提出了相反的观点。在这一理论中，广义模板假说（GTH）提出，没有特定的语素模板定义最小和最大的大小是必要的。相反，模板总是可以从语法的一般原则中推导出来，比如独立动机的韵律基础。本文提出的证据恩德贝莱表明，GTH是太强了。在Ndebele中，几种不同的动词形式都服从最小条件。在某些情况下，极小条件可以通过独立的度量基脚推导出来，正如GTH所预测的那样。然而，在某些情况下，它不能，这表明特定于词素的大小约束仍然是语法的必要组成部分。
A body of work in Prosodic Morphology clearly establishes the importance of prosodic constituents like the foot as templates conditioning morpheme size. A striking finding of this research is that morphological footing is independent of metrical footing in many languages, as the footing required for particular morphological processes is often not identical to that required for phonological processes like stress assignment. However, recent OT research on Prosodic Morphology has made the opposite claim. Within this theory, the Generalized Template Hypothesis (GTH) proposes that no morpheme-particular templates defining minimal and maximal size are necessary. Instead, templates are always derivable from general principles of the grammar, like independently motivated metrical footing. This paper presents evidence from Ndebele showing that the GTH is too strong. In Ndebele, several different verb forms are subject to a minimality condition. In some cases, the minimality condition can be derived through independent metrical footing, as the GTH predicts. However, in several cases it cannot, showing that morpheme-particular size constraints are still a necessary part of the grammar.