Yori-comparatives: A reply to Beck et al. (2004)

Yori-comparatives: A reply to Beck et al. (2004)
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Yori 比较:对 Beck 等人的回复 (2004)

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发表时间:
2009
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通讯作者:
J. Hayashishita
J. Hayashishita
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作者:
J. Hayashishita

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本文研究了日语中使用“比”的比较构式的句法和语义,它在功能上与英语的比较构式相对应。虽然赞同Beck等人(J East Asian Linguist 13: 289-344, 2004)的一般观点,即不能像分析英语比较级那样分析英语比较级,但本文指出了与他们的分析相关的问题。与Beck等人(《东亚语言学家》13:289-344,2004)相比,本文坚持的观点有:(i)“约”补语的外延是一个程度、一个个体或一个命题,以及(ii)“约”短语采用可等级谓词作为它们的论点;因此,你的短语参与了矩阵子句的语义构成。在描述英语和日语在涉及可分级谓词现象方面的差异时,本文主张Snyder等人(第13届西海岸形式语言学会议论文集,1994年)的假设,即日语中的形容词缺乏承载程度变量或常量的说明符位置(参见Fukui, a theory of category projection and its applications)。博士论文,1986年),免除贝克等人的程度抽象参数。
This paper investigates the syntax and semantics of the Japanese comparative construction that utilizes yori ‘than’, which functionally corresponds to the English more-comparative. While endorsing Beck et al.’s (J East Asian Linguist 13: 289–344, 2004) general claim that yori-comparatives cannot be analyzed on a par with the English comparative, the paper points out the problems associated with their analysis. Among the points the paper maintains in contrast with Beck et al. (J East Asian Linguist 13: 289–344, 2004) are (i) the denotation of the complement of yori is a degree, an individual, or a proposition, and (ii) yori-phrases take a gradable predicate as their argument; thus yori-phrases participate in the semantic composition of the matrix clause. In describing the difference between English and Japanese regarding the phenomena involving gradable predicates, the paper advocates Snyder et al.’s (Proceedings of the Thirteenth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 1994) hypothesis that AdjPs in Japanese lack the specifier position that hosts a degree variable or constant (cf. Fukui, A theory of category projection and its applications. Doctoral dissertation, 1986), dispensing with Beck et al.’s Degree Abstraction Parameter.