Determined to Succeed?: Performance versus Choice in Educational Attainment
Determined to Succeed?: Performance versus Choice in Educational Attainment
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决心成功？：教育程度的表现与选择
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发表时间：
2014
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通讯作者：
Bonnie E. French
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作者：
Bonnie E. French
教育程度和社会阶层的交叉点得到了很好的研究，但通常是从描述性的立场（是的，存在阶级不平等）或从单一的角度（工人阶级的学生没有达到与中产阶级和上层阶级学生相同的教育水平）。决心成功？然而，报告不仅指出了各阶层教育不平等的普遍现象，而且还试图理清造成教育机会不平等的（1）学业成绩和（2）教育选择这两个综合因素，以便直接说明，如果各国希望看到未来不平等程度的下降，就需要有重点和更新的教育干预措施。如果说我能掌握米歇尔·杰克逊的书中介绍的每一个方法论上的细微差别，那将是一厢情愿的想法，但如果说这是一本清晰、组织良好、富有洞察力的书，那就不亚于事实了。如果只是作为对欧洲和美国公立学校系统的简略解释，这本书是一项值得的投资。编辑后的卷提供了以下八个国家的每一个章节：德国，荷兰，法国，意大利，瑞典，丹麦，英国和美国。在勇敢地尝试解释每个国家的公共教育体系的来龙去脉之后，每一章都承担了解构特定国家教育成就中社会经济不平等的重要因素的任务。虽然结果喜忧参半，但信息是明确的：（1）学业成绩和（2）教育选择，两者都与阶级密切相关，是持续教育不平等的重要组成部分。此外，作者同意，教育政策和干预必须发生在学生的教育生涯的早期，如果我们希望任何实质性的改变目前的不平等状态。在八个被研究的国家中，作者定量地模拟了“主要效应”（学业成绩）和“次要效应”（教育选择）对教育分层的影响。杰克逊的巧妙编辑在跨章节的语言、变量和结构的一致性上显而易见。这种一致性便于对各国和成果进行比较，考虑到所涉及的教育结构的复杂性和多样性，这是一项了不起的成就。虽然次级效应的相对影响因国家而异，但每一章都很好地指出了初级效应和次级效应的重要性。整本书为未来学者沿着沿着阶级路线研究教育不平等的更复杂的方法提出了一个令人信服的论点。在对教育机会不平等[IEO]的背景进行了令人信服的介绍以及在任何高级统计学课程中都占有一席之地的方法论章节之后，这本书提供了对每个国家的独立研究。这些章节中的每一章都与其他章节不同，这在很大程度上是由于每个国家的数据可获得性。在最后一章中，杰克逊和扬·琼森对各国数据的差异进行了综合解释。然而，各种各样的数据-在来源、数字、日期和收集方法方面-影响了研究结果在各国之间的可比性。例如，Anders霍尔姆和Mads Jaeger依靠20世纪50年代和80年代的队列面板数据来分析丹麦的教育不平等，而Martin Neugebauer，大卫雷默，Steffen Schindler和Volker Stocké使用20世纪90年代队列的横截面数据来分析德国的情况。鉴于此，我认为本书应该被视为对主要和次要效应相关问题的精彩介绍，而不是对欧洲和美国教育不平等的最后发言权。也许最令人印象深刻的一章是弗里达·鲁道夫调查瑞典教育不平等状况的一章。这在很大程度上是由于848评论
The intersection of educational attainment and social class is well studied, but often from either a descriptive stance (yes, there is inequality by class) or from a single perspective (students from the working class do not attain the same levels of education as students from the middle and upper classes). Determined to Succeed? however, not only identifies the sweeping phenomenon of educational inequality by class, it also seeks to untangle the combined factors of (1) academic performance and (2) educational choice on the inequality of educational opportunity in an effort to speak directly to the need for focused and refreshed educational intervention should countries wish to see decreasing levels of inequality in the future. To say that I could keep track of every methodological nuance introduced in Michelle Jackson’s book would be wishful thinking, but to say that it is a clear, well organized, and insightful volume is nothing less than the truth. If only to use as an abridged explanation of the public school systems across Europe and the United States, this book is a worthwhile investment. The edited volume offers a chapter on each of the following eight countries: Germany, the Netherlands, France, Italy, Sweden, Denmark, England, and the United States. After valiant attempts to explain the ins and outs of each country’s public educational system, each chapter takes on the momentous task of deconstructing contributing factors to socioeconomic inequality in the educational attainment of a particular country. Though results are mixed, the message is clear: (1) academic performance and (2) educational choices, both strongly related to class, are each vital components of ongoing educational inequality. Further, the authors agree that educational policy and intervention must happen early in students’ educational careers if we are to hope for any substantial change to the current state of inequality. In each of the eight studied countries, the authors quantitatively model the impact of ‘‘primary effects’’ (academic performance) and ‘‘secondary effects’’ (educational choice) on educational stratification. The skillful editing of Jackson is evident in the consistency of language, variables, and structure across the chapters. This consistency allows for ease of comparison among countries and outcomes which is quite a feat considering the complexity and variety of educational structures addressed. Although the relative impact of secondary effects varies from country to country, the importance of both primary and secondary effects is well noted in each chapter. The whole of this book makes a compelling argument for future scholars’ more sophisticated approaches to the study of educational inequality along class lines. After a compelling introduction of the setting of the Inequality of Educational Opportunity [IEO] and a methodological chapter that has a place in any class on advanced statistics, the book offers stand-alone studies on each country. Each of these chapters differs from the others in large part as a result of the accessibility of data in each of the countries. In the concluding chapter, Jackson and Jan Jonsson offer a consolidated explanation for the differences in data among the countries. However, the great variety of data—in terms of sources, numbers, dates, and collection method—compromises the extent to which the findings are comparable across countries. For instance, Anders Holm and Mads Jaeger rely on panel data on cohorts from the 1950s and 1980s to analyze educational inequality in Denmark while Martin Neugebauer, David Reimer, Steffen Schindler and Volker Stocké use cross-sectional data on cohorts from the 1990s to analyze the German situation. Given this, I believe that the book should be taken as a wonderful introduction to the interrelated issues of primary and secondary effects, not as a final say on European and American educational inequality. Perhaps the most impressive chapter is the one in which Frida Rudolphi investigates the state of educational inequality in Sweden. This is, in no small part, due to the fact that 848 Reviews