Formal Inclusion, Informal Exclusion: Implementation of Women’s Quota System and Political Participation in Post-Civil War Nepal
Formal Inclusion, Informal Exclusion: Implementation of Women’s Quota System and Political Participation in Post-Civil War Nepal
复制标题
正式包容，非正式排斥：尼泊尔内战后妇女配额制度的实施和政治参与
DOI：
10.1080/14623528.2023.2212516
复制
发表时间：
2023
影响因子：
1.5
通讯作者：
Hamal, Dhana Laxmi
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Hamal, Dhana Laxmi
在过去的二十年里，内战、种族冲突和争取正义和公平的群众运动改变了尼泊尔的政治和国家结构。其中许多交叉冲突的根源在于妇女和少数民族提出的不满，他们要求新形式的政治包容和代表权，并改变社会平等的条件。针对其中许多要求的措施被成功地纳入2015年《宪法》，该宪法宣布该国为共和国。这些重大政治改革和宪法安排本身最终解决了战争，并迎来了建设和平和战后重建时期。1许多国际行为者，包括那些与联合国和其他国际组织有联系的行为者，与尼泊尔政治领导人一道发起政治改革，旨在治愈各种冲突根源的不公正。其中包括与种族政治和政治女权主义有关的国际话语。在民族政治方面，2015年的宪法让许多人失望。除了消除尼泊尔君主制在国家中的作用和将前王国转变为共和国之外，宪法还将国家联合成新的省级政府，将一些权力转移到地方一级。最关键的，也可能是宪法解决方案中最具争议性或最具争议性的一个特点是，新共和国的联邦是按照地理--而不是种族--政治界限设计的。划定了新的省级边界，以避免建立以族裔为单位的政治单位，这让那些认为尼泊尔社会随着族裔联邦制的到来而解放的人严重失望。2015年宪法对国际女权主义话语的回应和尼泊尔妇女的激进主义与受挫的种族联邦主义运动截然不同。在尼泊尔漫长的宪法过渡时期，在政治女权主义的复杂空间中，几个关键问题凸显出来。值得注意的是妇女在私有财产、国家公民权和政治参与方面的权利。在1995年北京会议和2000年代联合国安全理事会第1325号决议的基础上，该决议
Civil war, ethnic conflicts, and mass movements for justice and equity have transformed Nepal’s politics and the structure of the state over the past two decades. Many of these intersecting conflicts were rooted in grievances raised by women and ethnic minorities, who demanded new forms of political inclusion and representation, and changes to the terms of social equality. Measures addressing many of these demands were successfully incorporated into the Constitution of 2015, which declared the country a republic. These major political reforms and the constitutional arrangement itself culminated in the settlement of the war and ushered in a period of peacebuilding and post-war reconstruction. 1Many international actors, including those linked to the UN and other international organizations, worked alongside Nepal’s political leadership to initiate political reforms that aimed to heal the injustices at the root of various conflicts. These included international discourses associated with both ethnic politics and political feminism. On the ethnopolitical front, the 2015 Constitution disappointed many. Beyond the elimination of the Nepali monarchy’s role in the state and the transformation of the former kingdom into a republic, the Constitution federated the country into new provincial governments, shifting some power to the local level. Crucially, and in perhaps the single most controversial or divisive feature of the constitutional settlement, was the fact that the federation of the new republic was designed along geographical–rather than ethnopolitical–lines. New provincial boundaries were drawn to avoid the creation of ethnically identified political units, gravely disappointing those who had identified the emancipation of Nepali society with the advent of ethnic federalism. The 2015 Constitution’s responsiveness to international feminist discourses and Nepali women’s activism played out rather differently from the frustrated drive for ethnic federalism. Within the complex space of political feminism during this long period of constitutional transition in Nepal, several critical issues stand out. Of note were women’s rights in private property, national citizenship, and political participation. Building on the 1995 Beijing Conference and 2000s UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which