Researching Place, Emplacing the Researcher: Reflections on the Making of a Documentary on a Pilgrimage Confraternity
Researching Place, Emplacing the Researcher: Reflections on the Making of a Documentary on a Pilgrimage Confraternity
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研究场所，安置研究者：朝圣联谊会纪录片制作的思考
DOI：
10.18874/jjrs.36.1.2009.167-197
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发表时间：
2009
影响因子：
0.4
通讯作者：
B. Ambros
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
B. Ambros
本文反思了在制作一部关于当代朝圣团体的民族志纪录片中，研究者、性别、地点和怀旧的角色。每年，该团体都会在 7 月 27 日举行的开山仪式上参观位于神奈川县中部的圣山小山。 Ohana Confraternity 主要由在东京两家制造公司工作的成员组成。团体归属感主要基于职业和个人关系，而不是共同的信仰感。每年一次的朝圣是当代企业如何利用宗教仪式来培养社会关系并促进员工富有成效的职业道德的一个例子。一名外国研究人员和一名当地档案管理员的存在以多种方式（有时是意想不到的方式）影响了兄弟会的仪式活动。性别决定了个体成员（包括研究人员）在团体中的地位以及他们与团体的交往方式。该团体对朝圣传统和仪式的态度是怀旧的，但又有趣且具有可塑性。关键词：Oyama-Ohanako-yamabiraki-misogi-furi Shrine-Fudo Myoo-kekkai-nyonin kinsei-nostalgia（ProQuest：...表示省略公式。）无论以何种形式，地点都像空间和时间一样，是一种社会建构。这是我开始的基本主张。然后可以问的唯一有趣的问题是：场所是通过什么社会过程构建的？大卫·哈维，《正义、自然与差异地理学》 乍一看，怀旧是对一个地方的向往，但实际上它是对另一个时间的向往——我们的童年时光，我们梦想的缓慢节奏。从更广泛的意义上来说，怀旧是对现代时间观念、历史和进步的时间观念的反叛。斯维特兰娜·博伊姆，《怀旧的未来》 根据 M. Eliade 的说法，神圣的地方通过圣显被神圣化，这是一种神圣的表现，赋予这个世俗的空间以超凡脱俗的品质。埃利亚德的圣地是永恒的，并且远离世俗的地方（Eliade 1961, 20-29）。这种埃利亚德式对神圣的理解影响了日本宗教学者看待日本圣山的方式。例如，民俗学家堀一郎提出了日本山地崇拜的三个基本类型。第一个是对火山和其他圆锥形山脉的崇拜，将其视为神的居所或化身。其次，山脉被尊为分水岭、水源、肥力源泉，甚至是物质财富的源泉。第三，山被视为神灵和死者的境界。作为神灵、灵魂和死者的居所，山脉被视为通往其他世界的门户或世界的轴心，就像神话中的佛教高峰须弥山一样是整个宇宙的化身（Hori 1966，1-23）。在过去的几十年里，文化地理学、文化人类学和宗教研究的学者对圣地的永恒性以及埃利亚德提出的神圣与世俗的严格区分提出了质疑。相反，他们认为圣地是在文化和社会上构建的。1 例如，约翰·伊德 (John Eade) 和迈克尔·萨尔诺 (Michael Sallnow) 主张采用一种研究朝圣地的方法，将焦点从地点转移到人身上：朝圣圣地是不同宗教话语碰撞的场所，因为朝圣者和圣地当局都旨在维护自己的意义和看法 (Eade and Sallnow 1991, 5.10)。本文以康德河西缘神奈川县中部的一座圣山为案例研究。平原是一个受欢迎的地区朝圣和徒步旅行目的地。这座名为大山的山是一个富有启发性的例子，说明了如何在一个涉及朝圣者、旅店老板、牧师和研究人员的复杂过程中维护和创建一个神圣的地方。从这个意义上说，许多不同的声音不断地讨论着小山的社会和物理空间的意义。 ……
This essay reflects on the roles of the researcher, gender, place, and nostalgia in the making of an ethnographic documentary film on a contemporary pilgrimage confraternity. Every year the group visits Oyama, a sacred mountain in central Kanagawa Prefecture, on the occasion of the mountain-opening ceremony on 27 July. The Ohana Confraternity mainly consists of members working at two manufacturing companies in Tokyo. A sense of belonging to the group is mostly based on professional and personal relationships rather than a common sense of faith. The yearly pilgrimage is an example of how contemporary corporations use religious rituals to foster social relations and promote a productive work ethic among their employees. The presence of a foreign researcher and a local archivist influenced the ritual activities of the confraternity in many, sometimes unexpected, ways. Gender determined the place of individual members (including the researcher) in the group and their mode of association with the confraternity. The group's approach to traditions and rituals of the pilgrimage was nostalgic yet playful and malleable. KEYWORDS: Oyama-Ohanako-yamabiraki-misogi-furi Shrine-Fudo Myoo- kekkai-nyonin kinsei-nostalgia (ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.) Place, in whatever guise, is like space and time, a social construct. This is the baseline proposition from which I start. The only interesting question that can then be asked is: by what social process(es) is place constructed? David Harvey, Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference At first glance, nostalgia is a longing for a place, but actually it is a yearning for a different time-the time of our childhood, the slower rhythms of our dreams. In a broader sense, nostalgia is rebellion against the modern idea of time, the time of history and progress. Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia ACCORDING to M. Eliade, sacred places are sanctified through hierophany, a divine manifestation empowering this-worldly space with other-worldly qualities. An Eliadian sacred place is timeless and divorced from profane places (Eliade 1961, 20-29). This Eliadian understanding of the sacred has colored the ways in which scholars of Japanese religion have viewed sacred mountains in Japan. For example, the folklorist Hori Ichiro proposed three basic typological aspects of mountain cults in Japan. The first is the veneration of volcanoes and other conically shaped mountains as the residence or embodiment of the divine. Second, mountains were revered as watersheds and sources of water, fertility and, by implication, material wealth. Third, mountains were regarded as the realm of spirits and the dead. As abodes of divinities, spirits, and the dead, mountains were regarded as portals to other worlds or as an axis mundi, the embodiment of the entire universe like the mythical Buddhist peak Mt. Sumeru (Hori 1966, 1-23). During the past few decades, scholars of cultural geography, cultural anthropology, and religious studies have questioned the timelessness of sacred places and the rigid distinction of the sacred and the profane posited by Eliade. Instead they have suggested that sacred places are culturally and socially constructed.1 John Eade and Michael Sallnow, for example, argue for an approach to the study of pilgrimage sites that shifts the focus from the place to the person: pilgrimage shrines are sites where divergent religious discourses collide as pilgrims and shrine authorities each aim to assert their meanings and perceptions (Eade and Sallnow 1991, 5.10). This essay is a case study of a sacred mountain in central Kanagawa Prefecture on the western edge of the Kant. Plain that is a popular regional pilgrimage and hiking destination. This mountain, Oyama, serves as an illuminating example of how a sacred place is maintained and created in a complex process that involves pilgrims, innkeepers, priests, and researchers. In this sense, many divergent voices continually negotiate the meanings of Oyama's social and physical space. …