The phonological status of Low tones in Shanghai tone sandhi: Default tones or boundary tones?
The phonological status of Low tones in Shanghai tone sandhi: Default tones or boundary tones?
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沪调连调中低声的音系地位：缺声还是界声？
DOI：
10.1075/lali.00028.tak
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发表时间：
2019
影响因子：
0.4
通讯作者：
Takahashi Yasunori
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
N. Nakagawa;M. Yamada;N. Kibe;Y. Takubo;川崎義史;安達真弓;Takahashi Yasunori
上声连读变调中，除T5（阳入）变调外，第二、第三声都有音高下降现象 音位词的音节（或连读调域）。以前的分析认为，这是通过插入默认值来调用的。 满足自动音段理论的良构条件的低音。然而，在目前的框架内， 自动音段理论，该条件不再一定满足，以及另一种解释，采用边界 低调，已经被建议。为了评估默认和边界解释的适当性，我们比较了音高 二到四音节词之间的轮廓更详细。结果表明，在T1-T4变调中，双音词倾向于 在第一和第二个音节处具有比三音节和四音节词更低的音高轮廓，并且，在四音节中， 最小音高值在第三音节处不断地被证实。这些结果表明，在上海的连读变调， 边界低音被分配在一个语音词的右边缘，它进一步与第三个音节相关联， 四音节词这一边界解释进一步合理地解释了 中上海和新上海。
In Shanghai tone sandhi, with the exception of T5 (yangru) sandhi, a pitch-fall occurs at the second or third syllable of a phonological word (or a sandhi domain). Previous analyses argue that this is invoked by the insertion of a default Low tone to satisfy the Well-formedness Condition of the autosegmental theory. However, in the framework of the present autosegmental theory, that condition is no longer necessarily satisfied, and an alternative interpretation, adopting a boundary Low tone, has been suggested. To evaluate the appropriateness of the default and boundary interpretations, we compared pitch contours among di- to tetrasyllabic words in greater detail. The results show that, in T1 to T4 sandhi, disyllabic words tend to have lower pitch contours than tri- and tetrasyllabic words at the first and second syllables, and that, in tetrasyllables, minimum pitch values were constantly attested at the third syllable. These results indicate that in Shanghai tone sandhi, a boundary Low tone is assigned at the right edge of a phonological word, and it is further associated with the third syllable in tetrasyllables. This boundary interpretation further gives an appropriate explanation of the difference of the pitch-fall between Middle and New Shanghai.