The neural mechanisms of word order Processing revisited: Electrophysiological evidence from Japanese
The neural mechanisms of word order Processing revisited: Electrophysiological evidence from Japanese
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DOI：
10.1016/j.bandl.2008.06.003
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发表时间：
2008-11-01
影响因子：
2.5
通讯作者：
Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Ina
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Wolff, Susann;Schlesewsky, Matthias;Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Ina
我们提出了两项关于日语语序变化处理的ERP研究，这一语言适合进一步阐明语序自由对句子理解的神经认知方法的影响。实验1采用听觉呈现，发现只有在韵律边界之后，初始宾格客体才会比初始主体（以短暂否定的形式）产生更高的加工成本。在实验2中，使用视觉呈现也观察到类似的效果，但仅对宾格对象有效，而对与格对象无效。这些结果支持词序处理的关系描述，其中理解对象初始词序的成本由初始对象的线性化属性与可能的后续参数的线性化属性之间的关系决定。在没有韵律边界的情况下，日语助词中主语省略的可能性很可能是首宾格是从句中唯一的论点。因此，不需要后续的参数，也不会出现线性化问题。相比之下，视觉分割的韵律边界表明了客体在主语之前的语序，从而导致论点“突出”（例如在主题角色方面）和线性顺序之间的不匹配。当初始对象本身非常突出时，这种不匹配会得到缓解。在与格的情况下，它可以在两个参数关系中承担更高级别的主位角色)。我们认为，这里起作用的处理机制可以与宾语首句中“依赖关系处理”的更一般方面区别开来。(C) 2008爱思唯尔公司版权所有。
We present two ERP Studies on the processing of word order variations in Japanese, a language that is suited to shedding further light on the implications of word order freedom for neurocognitive approaches to sentence comprehension. Experiment 1 used auditory presentation and revealed that initial accusative objects elicit increased processing costs in comparison to initial subjects (in the form of a transient negativity) only when followed by a prosodic boundary. A similar effect was observed using visual presentation in Experiment 2, however only for accusative but not for dative objects. These results support a relational account of word order processing, in which the costs of comprehending an object-initial word order are determined by the linearization properties of the initial object in relation to the linearization properties of possible upcoming arguments. In the absence of a prosodic boundary, the possibility for Subject omission in Japanese Fenders it likely that the initial accusative is the only argument in the clause. Hence, no upcoming arguments are expected and no linearization problem can arise. A prosodic boundary OF Visual segmentation, by contrast, indicate an object-before-subject word Order, thereby leading to a mismatch between argument "prommence" (e.g. in terms Of thematic roles) and linear order. This mismatch is alleviated when the initial object is highly prominent itself(e.g. in the case of a dative, which can bear the higher-ranking thematic role in a two argument relation). We argue that the processing mechanism at work here can be distinguished from More general aspects of "dependency processing" in object-initial sentences. (C) 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.