Distributional typology: statistical inquiries into the dynamics of linguistic diversity
Distributional typology: statistical inquiries into the dynamics of linguistic diversity
复制标题
分布类型学：语言多样性动态的统计调查
DOI：
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发表时间：
2015
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
H. Narrog
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
B. Bickel;B. Heine;H. Narrog
在过去的二十年里，语言类型学越来越偏离其最初的目标，即将语言分类为受类别共相约束的理想类型。相反，新范式的出现是从世界结构的分布开始，询问“什么在哪里，为什么？”我在这里提出一个解决这个问题的具体方法，称为“分布类型学”。该方法从影响语言变化的力量的因果理论出发，从处理偏好到语言接触的历史偶然性。然后可以使用统计方法从共时分布估计历时趋势，针对跨语言多样性的细粒度矩阵来测试这些理论的预测。在过去的二十年里，语言类型学越来越偏离其最初的目标，即将语言分类为受类别共相约束的理想类型。相反，新范式的出现是从问“什么在哪里为什么？”开始：人类语言中有哪些语言结构，我们如何比较它们？我们在哪里可以找到这些结构，即它们是否受到区域或谱系的限制，或者它们是普遍受欢迎还是不受欢迎？为什么我们要找到它们所在的结构？虽然这三个问题具有更多的特点，但我要感谢 2009 年伯克利 LSA 语言研究所和 2010 年莱比锡 DGfS-CNRS 语言类型学暑期学校的课程观众，他们对本章的主题提出了有用的问题和评论。还要非常感谢 Michael Cysouw、Bernd Heine、Steven Moran、Heiko Narrog、Johanna Nichols、Sabine Stoll、Fernando Zúñiga 和一位匿名审稿人对早期草案提出的非常有帮助的评论。当然，他们都不应对任何剩余的缺点或误解负责。这里总结的部分研究得到了大众基金会的资助号 II/83 393 的支持。最终版本 – 2013 年 4 月 13 日
Over the past two decades, linguistic typology has been moving increasingly away from its original goal of classifying languages into ideal types that would be constrained by categorical universals. What has been emerging as a new paradigm instead starts from the distribution of structures in the world, asking “what’s where why?” I present here a concrete approach to this question, called ‘Distributional Typology’. The approach starts from causal theories on the forces that affect language change, from processing preferences to the historical contingencies of language contact. The predictions of these theories can then be tested against fine-grained matrices of cross-linguistic diversity, using statistical methods for estimating diachronic trends from synchronic distributions. Over the past two decades, linguistic typology has been moving increasingly away from its original goal of classifying languages into ideal types that would be constrained by categorical universals. What has been emerging as a new paradigm instead starts from asking “what’s where why?”: What linguistic structures are there in human languages, and how can we compare them? Where do we find these structures, i.e. are they areally or genealogically restricted, or are they universally preferred or dispreferred? Why do we find the structures where they are? While these three questions characterize more and * I thank the audiences of my courses at the 2009 LSA Linguistic Institute in Berkeley and the 2010 DGfS-CNRS Summer School on Linguistic Typology in Leipzig for helpful questions and comments on the themes underlying the present chapter. Many thanks also go to Michael Cysouw, Bernd Heine, Steven Moran, Heiko Narrog, Johanna Nichols, Sabine Stoll, Fernando Zúñiga and an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on an earlier draft. None of them should be held responsible of course for any remaining shortcomings or misconceptions. Part of the research summarized here was supported by Grant No. II/83 393 from the Volkswagen Foundation. FINAL VERSION – April 13, 2013
影响因子：
1.6
作者：
Biberauer T
通讯作者：
Biberauer T