Thinking across domains: Class, nation and racism in England and Britain
Thinking across domains: Class, nation and racism in England and Britain
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跨领域思考：英格兰和英国的阶级、民族和种族主义
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发表时间：
2012
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
S. Fenton
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作者：
S. Condor;S. Fenton
正如Aughey在他的论文中评论的那样，直到最近，在英国政治生活中还有一种假设，即“阶级和分配”政治是“正常的”，而“民族主义”政治是不正常的。只有北爱尔兰的民族主义政治以宗教和种族身份为基础，并针对不同的民族和国家观点。可以说，这是一种偏离。我们现在可能不得不接受，“国家”和“国家地位”的政治将留在英国——即使我们不能确定在英国的任何一个或所有组成部分，权力下放和独立的问题给公众带来了多大的困扰。我们可能解决这个问题的一种方法是同时解决阶级和民族这两个概念，并将它们相互联系起来，同时解决“多数民族”和“白人”这两个密切相关的问题。这是我们在研讨会和为本期特刊奠定基础的论文中给自己设定的任务。目前还不完全清楚，在苏格兰和英格兰，民族政治是否已经取代了阶级和分配政治。有一些理由认为情况并非完全如此。其中一个原因是，最发达的权力下放政治——在苏格兰——没有明显的“民族主义”，在国家的主要文化或种族价值的意义上，尽管有一个独特的苏格兰文化传统的认可和庆祝。但是，只要苏格兰民族党把自己塑造成一个进步的、“公民”的政党，声称对未来自治的苏格兰有更好的看法，而不是继续依赖威斯敏斯特政府，那么它就仍然是一个非民族的国家政党。它在一些政治问题上与威斯敏斯特有所不同，这些问题确实是“阶级和分配”问题，包括对老年人的照顾和学生的学费。与此同时，对英国政治的影响并不完全清楚。有媒体提到这些种族12(4)385-393 ！作者2012转载及许可：sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions。导航DOI: 10.1177/1468796812448016 etn.sagepub.com
As Aughey comments in his paper in this issue, there was, until relatively recently, an assumption in UK political life that ‘class and distribution’ politics were ‘normal’ and ‘nationalist’ politics abnormal. Only Northern Ireland had nationalist politics grounded in religious and ethnic identities, and directed towards different views of nation and statehood. This was, so to speak, a deviation. We may now have to accept that the politics of ‘nation’ and ‘nationhood’ are here to stay in the UK – even if we cannot be sure how much questions of devolution and independence trouble the general public in any or all constituent parts of the UK. One way in which we might address this question is to address both concepts – class and nation – simultaneously and in relation to each other, alongside the closely related questions of the ‘ethnic majority’ and ‘whiteness’. This has been the task that we set ourselves in the seminar and papers that laid the foundation for this special issue. It is not entirely clear that in, for example, Scotland and England, the politics of nation have replaced the politics of class and distribution. There are some reasons for thinking that this is not altogether the case. One such reason is that the most developed devolved politics – in Scotland – have not been notably ‘nationalistic’ in the sense of a primary cultural or ethnic valorisation of the nation, even though there is recognition and celebration of a distinctive Scottish cultural tradition. But as long as the Scottish National Party styles itself as a progressive and ‘civic’ party that lays claim to having a better view of a future self-governing Scotland than could be found by continued dependence on Westminster governance, then it remains a non-ethnic national party. Some of the political questions on which it has distinguished itself from Westminster are indeed ‘class and distributive’ ones, including care for the elderly and student tuition fees. At the same time the effect on politics in England is not wholly clear. There are press references to these Ethnicities 12(4) 385–393 ! The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1468796812448016 etn.sagepub.com