Basic research for the methodical comprehension of the agrarian product figures during the middle ages and early modern times in Japan

这项协调一致的研究旨在解释10-16世纪日本几个地籍中登记的数字的含义。为此，我们特别处理了实际功能稻田和登记稻田之间的差异，并尽可能按时间顺序追求从登记到其他登记的变化。在一定程度上，这一研究也有助于日本前现代制度史的研究。本研究的结果如下：1)在从《万有顺》到《大观》的所有地籍文件中，各省级地籍中提到的“ta(Den)”数字似乎本质上与基于较早的基本国税登记册的合同部分有关；2)在《大观》文件中，数字在公共产业(“国都”)中用“tan”或“bu”来详细地表示，而在私人产业(“…”)中则使用了近似的计算方法，而省略了数字“khour”在九州，我们发现更接近的指标制只以百为单位。这种类型适用于远离省政府中心的庄园(“Kokuga”)，通常也适用于皇家庄园(“Okeryo-Gunmeisho”)。后者似乎是出于某种政治目的而构建的。4)面对固定的“大部头”数字，当地的居民业主(“在一龙树”)在中世纪晚期开始进行新的地籍调查，以增加他的税收。在货币(“zeni”)同时广泛流通的同时，地方长官(“Shugo”)开始征收每单位土地的货币附加税，当地业主很快也将这一制度作为他们的补充收入来源。因此，货币估计税制度(“kandakasei”)出现在我们的历史场景中。但由于仿制货币的增加和货币信贷的缺陷，这种情况不会持续太久。作为这一方面的结果，以水稻产量计税的传统税制得到了重构。在这一时期，通过由统一国家的领主进行全面的地籍调查，安排了一个新的标准(成立了“国都高士”)。5)然而，实际生产和标准税收之间的差异可能很快就会形成。因此，Kokudaka是对许多事物的一种代表性、象征性和公开性的计算，例如征款额(“舒舒”)、封地程度(“chigyou”)和社会等级(“kakushiki”)，并脱离了实际的生产和征税现实。有趣的是，它们的数量大致是根据“Kokudaka”的比例来定义的。但在非土地税中，最重要的因素是公共差役(“kuji”)，它并不总是与土地制度挂钩。较少

This coordinated study aimed to explain the meaning of figures registered in several land cadasters through the 10th--16th centuries in Japan. For this purpose we particularly treated of the discrepancy between real functioning paddy-fields and registered ones, and pursued the changes from a register to the others as chronologically as possible. To some extent, this research also contribute to the institutional history of pre-modern Japan. The following are our results of this research.1) In all the cadaster-documents from "Wamyousho" to "Ootabumi", the figures of "ta (den)" mentioned in each provincial register seem essentially related with the contracted parts based on the older fundamental national tax register, that each provincial governors ("kokushi") farmed out.2) In the document of "Ootabumi", figures are indicated in detail with "tan" or "bu" in the case of the public estates ("kokuryo") while in the private ones ("shoen") was used an approximate numeration, omitting the figur … More e below ten "cho".3) In Kyushu, we find the more approximate indication system only making the unit of hundred "cho". This type is applied to the estates distant from the provincial government center ("kokuga"), and very often to the royal estates ("oukeryo-gunmeisho"). The Latter seems particularly constructed with some political purposes.4) Confronted with the fixed figures of "Ootabumi", the local resident proprietors ("zaichi-ryoushu") began to conduct the new cadastral surveys to increase his tax-revenue at the late middle ages. While the money ("zeni") was in wide currency at the same time, the regional governors ("shugo") began to levy the monetary surtaxes per land unit and the local proprietors soon also applied this system as their supplementary income source. Thus the money-estimated tax system ("kandakasei") appears in our historical scene. But this doesn't last much longer because of the increase of imitated money and the fault of money credit. As a result of this aspect, the tax calculated in terms of rice yield, traditional tax system, is reconstructed. It was in this time arranged to have a new standard through the full-scale cadastral surveys by the lords who unified this nation (the formation of "kokudakasei").5) Nevertheless the discrepancy between the real production and the standard tax may be soon formed. "Kokudaka" thus was a sort of representative, symbolic and public numeration of many things, for example, volume of levies ("shuushu"), degree of fief ("chigyou") and social rank ("kakushiki"), and became detached from the real production and taxable reality.6) About this period some non-agrarian levies ("shuushu") were also organized by the local resident lord. Interestingly their quantity was approximately defined in connection with the scale of "kokudaka". But the most important element among the non-agrarian levies was public corvee ("kuji") that was not always linked to the land system. Less