Gender and Nation in Galicia: A Cultural History

对西班牙民族认同的研究往往集中在“他者”的问题上，以及西班牙非欧洲、摩尔人和犹太文化所扮演的历史角色。因此，很少有历史和文化上的分析来分析霸权的西班牙民族主义和反叛的加泰罗尼亚、巴斯克或加利西亚民族主义之间的紧张关系所产生的话语形成。这个项目试图作为这一领域工作的起点，展示加利西亚和西班牙民族主义话语之间的关系是以话语暴力网络为标志的，这些网络在很大程度上是以性别差异的逻辑和传统的静态的男性和女性气质概念为前提的。具体地说，该项目将提出以下论点：1)从性别、后殖民的角度重新评估加利西亚文化和政治民族主义的基础著作--大部分是由男性创作的历史、文学文本、文化散文和宣言--揭示了西班牙民族话语历史上迄今尚未探索的一系列模式。在过去，根据民族主义史学实践，这些文本大多被孤立地研究，作为加利西亚民族主义运动走向政治化进程中的里程碑。人们对他们如何与历史上多变的话语网络(西班牙中央民族主义、父权制和关于现代化的话语)进行互动的关注较少。此外，从批判性性别的角度对这些文本的研究被推迟了，因为加利西亚的民族主义学术传统不愿批评它的开国元勋的工作，以及国际拉美裔才刚刚开始适当地关注加利西亚文化和政治的特殊性。该项目旨在克服这种情况。2)在这个新的视角下，加利西亚以不同的历史和意识形态表现出来的关于国家的话语显示了加利西亚、加利西亚人和加利西亚语言的性别形象的有趣分布。简而言之，加利西亚非政治地区主义的文本中充斥着女性化的加利西亚形象和国家身份的定义，这些定义与传统上女性的情感领域紧密相连。相比之下，加利西亚的政治民族主义文本的特点是一种严重的男权主义话语，目的是与对国家的感伤定义保持距离，并坚持对政治公民身份和激进主义的男性定义。这样的言论可以被解读为对加利西亚非政治地区主义和西班牙霸权中心主义使用的削弱女性主义比喻的补偿反应，对西班牙来说，女性化(顺从)加利西亚的想法具有明显的政治利益。我将追溯这些不同人物的文本中这些相关话语的例子，如奥古斯托·冈萨雷斯·贝萨达(1887年第一部加利西亚文学史的作者)、曼努埃尔·穆尔圭亚(加利西亚民族主义史学创始人、罗莎莉亚·德·卡斯特罗的丈夫)、尤金尼奥·卡雷·阿尔道(1906年加雷加皇家学院的创始成员之一)、安东·维拉庞特(加利西亚政治民族主义第一份宣言的作者)、文森特·里斯科(战前时期加利西亚民族主义的主要理论理论家之一)、安东尼奥·库塞罗·弗赖约米尔(弗朗索瓦·库塞里奥·迪西奥·弗莱乔米尔)、安东尼奥·库塞罗·弗赖约米尔(弗朗科·库塞里奥·迪西布拉奥·德·卡斯特罗的作者)、安东·维拉尔·庞特(加利西亚政治民族主义第一份宣言的作者)、安东尼奥·库塞罗·弗赖约米尔(法兰科作家Diconario Biicbliograo de Gallegos于1952年出版)里卡多·卡巴罗·卡莱罗(加利西亚文学史上最有影响力的文本的作者)和阿尔贝托·努涅斯·费霍(加利西亚Xunta政府的现任总统，受西班牙右翼对加利西亚的长期殖民观点的影响，支持我所说的加利西亚文化的新地区主义方法)。

Studies of national identity in Spain have tended to focus on questions of 'otherness' and the historical role played by Spain's non-European, Moorish and Jewish cultures. As a result, there is little historical and cultural analysis of the discursive formations arising from the tensions between hegemonic Spanish nationalism and insurgent Catalan, Basque or Galician nationalisms. This project seeks to act as a starting point for work in this area by showing that the relation between Galician and Spanish nationalist discourses is marked by a network of discursive violences that are, for the most part, premised on the logic of sexual difference and on traditional, static notions of masculinity and femininity. Specifically, the project will offer the following arguments: 1) That a reassessment from a gender, postcolonial perspective of the foundational works of Galician cultural and political nationalism -for the most part, a male-authored corpus of histories, literary texts, cultural essays and manifestos- reveals a series of so far unexplored patterns in the history of national discourses in Spain. In the past, and in tune with nationalist historiographical practices, such texts have been studied mostly in isolation as milestones in the progress towards politicization of the Galician nationalist movement. Less attention is granted to how they have interacted with a historically variable network of discourses (Spanish centralist nationalism, patriarchy and discourses on modernisation). Further, the study of these texts from a critical gendered perspective has been delayed by a nationalist Galician scholarly tradition reluctant to criticise the work of its 'founding fathers' and an international Hispanism that has only just started to devote due attention to the specificities of Galician culture and politics. The project aims to overcome this situation. 2) That in this new perspective, discourses about the nation in Galicia in their different historical and ideological manifestations show an interesting distribution of gendered images of Galicia, Galicians and the Galician language. In a nutshell, the texts of Galician apolitical regionalism are laden with images of a feminized Galicia and a definition of national identity that links cohesively with the traditionally feminine realm of the affective. By contrast, the texts of Galician political nationalism are marked by a heavily masculinist discourse that aims to distance itself from sentimental definitions of the nation and adhere to masculine definitions of political citizenship and activism. Such discourse can be read as a compensatory reaction to the debilitating, feminizing tropes used by Galician apolitical regionalism, but also by Spanish hegemonic centralism, for whom the idea of a feminised (submissive) Galicia held obvious political benefits. I will trace instances of these relational discourses in the texts of such disparate figures as Augusto Gonzalez Besada (writer of the first Galician literary history in 1887), Manuel Murguia (founder of Galician nationalist historiography and husband of Rosalia de Castro), Eugenio Carre Aldao (one of the founding members of the Real Academia Gallega in 1906), Anton Villar Ponte (the author of the first manifesto of Galician political nationalism), Vicente Risco (one of the main theoretical ideologues of Galician nationalism in the pre-War years), Antonio Couceiro Freijomil (author of the francoist Diccionario Bibliografico de Escritores Gallegos in 1952), Ricardo Carballo Calero (author of the most influential text of Galician literary history) and Alberto Nuñez Feijoo (the current president of the Galician Xunta government and supporter of what I will call a 'neo-regionalist' approach to Galician culture informed by the persistently colonial views of Galicia held by the Spanish right).