Equatives and Maximality
Equatives and Maximality
复制标题
等式和极大值
DOI：
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发表时间：
2019
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
D. Fox
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Luka Crnič;D. Fox
在英语和斯洛文尼亚语中，像John Drive和Mary一样快的等价式结构之间有一个显著的区别：前者不允许在标准从句中出现向下蕴含的运算符，并允许c-指挥抽象化的程度论元，但后者允许。然而，只有在没有乘法程度修饰语的情况下，这一点才成立。我们展示了如何在关于相等结构的组成的相对简单的假设下捕捉到这些事实。基于von Stecow(1984)和Rullmann(1995)关于向下蕴涵算子在程度结构中分布的见解，我们认为斯洛文尼亚语中等价词的行为为以下两个结论提供了新的支持：(I)最大性虽然是等价词的一个组成部分，但可以与结构的其他成分分开(与Heim 2006，Pace von Stecow 1984；Schwarzschild and Wilkinson 2002等人一致)和(Ii)程度域总是密集的(Universal Density of Measures，Fox and Hackl 2006)。
There is one salient difference between equative constructions like John drove as fast as Mary did in English and Slovenian: while the former do not allow a downward-entailing operator to occur in the standard clause and c-command the degree argument that is abstracted over, the latter do. This holds, however, only if the equative occurs without a multiplicative degree modifier. We show how these facts can be captured on relatively simple assumptions about the make-up of equative constructions. Building on the insights of von Stechow (1984) and Rullmann (1995) about the distribution of downward-entailing operators in degree constructions, we argue that the behavior of equatives in Slovenian provides new support for the following two conclusions: (i) that maximality, although a component of equatives, is separable from the other ingredients of the construction (in line with Heim 2006, pace von Stechow 1984; Schwarzschild and Wilkinson 2002, and others) and (ii) that degree domains are always dense (the Universal Density of Measurement, Fox and Hackl 2006).