Environmental Politics in Japan: Networks of Power and Protest

Environmental Politics in Japan: Networks of Power and Protest
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日本的环境政治:权力与抗议网络

DOI:
10.1177/030981680007200119
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发表时间:
2000
期刊:
影响因子:
1.7
通讯作者:
D. Hall
D. Hall
中科院分区:
--
文献类型:
--
作者:
D. Hall

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在研究中进一步分析土著工人的地位和经验。下面的问题对我来说似乎特别重要:为什么以及如何使土著工人主要从事一种职业?这种歧视的依据是什么?他们对劳动过程的变化有什么具体的经验?难道他们没有与“白色”工人不同的意见吗?工会领导层中有土著人吗?罗素还确定了劳动力中的土著女性组成,但再次未能探讨她们在工作场所发生的具体经历。这太糟糕了,因为后福特主义劳动过程对妇女的影响,以及她们对此的反应,在加拿大和其他地方的研究中非常缺乏。我认为,对原住民职业和教育背景的概述不足以了解他们的工作经历。第三,这是对工作组织的常规研究。它忽略了关于“话语”和劳动过程的更近期的文献。例如,罗素讨论工作和男性气质对于一个(主要是男性)劳动力的意义是有用的,因为他们的工作和他们作为工人的身份经历了巨大的变化。“少花钱多办事”的论点是否可能不仅仅是一种经济学论述?这种想法在多大程度上与管理层对工人阶级的身体和男性气质的假设有关,以及后者承受管理程序变化的能力?今天的文献认为,不仅是工作组织和生产的政治变化,而且工人的身份。遗憾的是,这一重点没有在一项非常好的研究中得到定义。228 Capital & Class #72
further analysis of the position and experiences of Aboriginal workers in the study. The following questions seem particularly important to me: why and how were Aboriginal workers placed largely in one occupation only? By what basis was this discrimination made? What were their specific experiences of the changes in the labour process? Did they not have a different opinion from ‘white’ workers? Were any Aboriginals part of the union leadership? Russell also identified the Aboriginal female composition of the workforce but once again fails to explore their specific experiences of what is taking place in their workplace. This is too bad since the impact of the post-Fordist labour processes on women, and their reactions to it, are sorely lacking in Canadian research and elsewhere. In my view, a synopsis of Aboriginals occupational and educational background is insufficient to understand their workplace experiences. Three, this is a conventional study of the organization of work. It ignores the more recent literature on ‘discourse’ and the labour process. It would have been useful for Russell to discuss, for example, the meaning of work and masculinity for a (primarily male) workforce experiencing tremendous change to their work and their identities as workers. Is it possible that the ‘more with less’ thesis is more than an economic discourse? To what extent is this idea tied to managerial assumptions about the working class body and masculinity, and the latter’s ability to endure shifts in managerial programmes? The literature today argues that not only is work organization changing and the politics of production, but also workers’ identities. Pity this focus was not defined in an otherwise very good study. 228 Capital & Class #72