Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States
Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States
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分享主权：崩溃和失败国家的新机构
DOI：
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发表时间：
2004
影响因子：
5
通讯作者：
Stephen D. Krasner
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Stephen D. Krasner
80年代的世界是一个自治的、得到国际承认的和治理良好的国家的世界。虽然在实践中经常被违反，但传统主权的基本规则--承认司法独立的领土实体和不干涉他国内政--在原则上很少受到挑战。但这些规则不再起作用，它们的不足之处对强国和弱国都产生了有害的后果。强大和治理良好的国家可以用来“砍掉”治理不善或崩溃的国家的政策工具--主要是治理援助和过渡行政管理（无论是由联合国正式授权还是由美国领导的自愿联盟参与）--都是不够的。在未来，治理不善、失败和被占领的政体要实现更好的国内治理，就需要超越公认的规则，包括在特定领域建立共同主权。在某些情况下，良好的治理可能需要某种新形式的托管，几乎可以肯定是事实上的托管，而不是法律上的托管。生活在这些国家的人民所能希望的最好情况是，他们的物质福利略有改善;获得包括保健和教育在内的社会服务的机会有限;个人的人身安全程度不高。在最坏的情况下，他们将面临地方暴力，剥削政治领导人，预期寿命下降，人均收入下降，甚至国家支持的种族灭绝。例如，在刚果民主共和国（前扎伊尔），持续了20多年的内战造成数百万人死亡。津巴布韦总统RobSharing Sovereignty
eignty assumes a world of autonomous, internationally recognized, and wellgoverned states. Although frequently violated in practice, the fundamental rules of conventional sovereignty—recognition of juridically independent territorial entities and nonintervention in the internal affairs of other states—have rarely been challenged in principle. But these rules no longer work, and their inadequacies have had deleterious consequences for the strong as well as the weak. The policy tools that powerful and well-governed states have available to “ax” badly governed or collapsed states—principally governance assistance and transitional administration (whether formally authorized by the United Nations or engaged in by a coalition of the willing led by the United States)— are inadequate. In the future, better domestic governance in badly governed, failed, and occupied polities will require the transcendence of accepted rules, including the creation of shared sovereignty in speciac areas. In some cases, decent governance may require some new form of trusteeship, almost certainly de facto rather than de jure.1 Many countries suffer under failed, weak, incompetent, or abusive national authority structures. The best that people living in such countries can hope for is marginal improvement in their material well-being; limited access to social services, including health care and education; and a moderate degree of individual physical security. At worst they will confront endemic violence, exploitative political leaders, falling life expectancy, declining per capita income, and even state-sponsored genocide. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire), for example, civil wars that have persisted for more than two decades have resulted in millions of deaths. In Zimbabwe the policies of President RobSharing Sovereignty