The Silk Road Trap. How China’s Trade Ambitions Challenge Europe
The Silk Road Trap. How China’s Trade Ambitions Challenge Europe
复制标题
丝绸之路陷阱。中国的贸易野心如何挑战欧洲
DOI：
10.1080/09668136.2021.1951014
复制
发表时间：
2021
影响因子：
1.4
通讯作者：
Wonhee Lee
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Wonhee Lee
民粹主义和马克思列宁主义。在合法化策略之后，本章讨论了使现有结构稳定和永久存在的“防御机制”。第五章聚焦于经济领域，考察了关系经济学对腐败、国家干预、所有制和比较经济制度的影响。第六章着眼于社会领域，特别关注社会网络、政权稳定性和意识形态。第七章给出了六种理想型政权的定义。这一章提供了12个后共产主义国家的模拟轨迹的类型学(第624页)，突出了政权在三角政权概念空间内的不断动态运动，这违背了对民主和独裁的静态理解。这本书的一个主要特点是它的结构可以很容易地融入到教学中。这本书有自己的专门网站，提供大量的在线资源，包括可用于后共产主义政权课程的研讨会草稿，以及可使用桌面软件和移动应用程序研究的后共产主义政权轨迹的3D互动模型。文中还提供了以图形表示的分析模型和使用的数据。该网站还提供了新书发布视频，帮助读者更直观地掌握书中的关键信息。大量的拓扑、分析模型、引用的重要思想阐明了表格和图表，促进了课堂环境中的各种教学方法。亨利·E·黑尔在《发布会》一书中也提到了一个较小的批评，它与这样一个假设有关：将社会活动的三个领域--政治活动、市场活动和公共活动--分开是西方文明独有的(第8页)。虽然这本书所蕴含的文明框架超出了亨廷顿的图式，并承认了对他的方法的批评(第8页)，但西方和东方价值观之间的二分法似乎与其自身的逻辑相矛盾，后者挑战了西方起源的价值观和评估政权的参数。总体而言，这本全面、严谨的书提供了一个概念框架和工具包，可以在后共产主义国家以外的国家使用，玛莎·格森对特朗普政府在独裁统治下的生存研究就是一个例子。这本书的教科书特色将特别吸引那些教授和研究政权和政权变革的人。
populism and Marxism–Leninism. Following the legitimation strategies, this chapter discusses ‘defensive mechanisms’ that stabilise and perpetuate the existing structure. Chapter 5 focuses on the economic realm and examines the implications of relational economics on corruption, state intervention, ownership and comparative economic systems. Chapter 6 looks at the social realm with a special focus on social networks, regime stability and ideology. Chapter 7 arrives at the definition of the six ideal-type regimes. This chapter provides a typology with modelled trajectories of 12 postcommunist countries (p. 624), highlighting the constant dynamic movements of regimes within the triangular conceptual spaces of regimes,whichdefies a static understandingof democracy anddictatorship. A key feature of this book is that it is structured in a way that can be easily integrated into teaching. The book comes with its own dedicated website offering extensive online resources including a draft seminar that can be adopted for a course on post-communist regimes, and a 3D interactive model of post-communist regime trajectories that can be studied using desktop software and a mobile app. Graphically presented analytical models and the data used are also provided. The website also features book-launch videos which help the reader grasp the key messages of the book more intuitively. A large number of topologies, analytical models, quotes of important ideas clarifying tables and figures facilitate a variety of teaching methods in classroom settings. A minor criticism, which Henry E. Hale also touched upon in the book-launch event, is related to the assumption that the separation of three spheres of social action—political, market and communal activities—are unique to Western civilisation (p. 8). While the civilisational frame in which the book is embedded goes beyond Huntington’s schema and acknowledges the criticism of his approach (p. 8), the dichotomy between Western and Eastern values seems to contradict its own logic, which challenges Western-originated values and parameters for evaluating regimes. Overall, this comprehensive, rigorous book offers a conceptual framework and toolkits that can be used beyond post-communist countries, an example of which can be found in Masha Gessen’s study of the Trump administration in Surviving Autocracy. The textbook features of this book will appeal particularly to those who teach and study regimes and regime transformation.