RUI: Contemporary Influences on Political Tolerance

大多数人都有一个长期的决定是宽容或不宽容。 关注耐受性的研究人员通常认为， 当人们对不喜欢的事物做出反应时， 组 然而，不容忍和镇压的爆发是 美国的历史景观。 为什么这些爆发 发生？ 这项研究调查提供了一个可能的解释， 这些耐受性的波动。 当人们感到威胁时， 当一个不受欢迎的团体突然闯入政治舞台时， 一个自然的反应是焦虑。 这些焦虑的感觉 可能导致政治上的不容忍。 初步 一系列预测试研究的结果证实了 威胁、焦虑和不容忍之间的关系： 对一个群体的好战和背叛的看法导致 焦虑增加，因此不耐症增加。 但怎么能为 这些威胁的认知，形成的？ 研究人员将通过以下方式研究威胁对耐受性的影响： 研究媒体、政治和法律的精英 不受欢迎的群体和他们的想法。审查这些 关注，研究人员目前的视频刺激的人在一个 一系列实验分三个阶段进行。 第一阶段涉及 制作关于两个最常见的 预测试研究中最不受欢迎的群体：种族主义者和支持选择的人 组 每组的四个视频将包含以下组合 两个实验操作：高和低版本的 该集团上台的可能性，并威胁和 令人放心的版本，该集团违反规范的适当， 有序的行为 他们还将制作视频片段， 倡导抽象民主原则的法律的或政治精英。 第二阶段包括操纵检查，以确保视频 实际上操纵了预期的品质。 第三阶段是进行全面的实验。 上 实验中，受试者将被随机分配到一个视频 包括违反规范和概率的陈述 操纵 第二个实验将使用这些视频， 民主规范部分对此作了补充。 第三组 实验将检查这些基本实验的变化， 包括在选举中实行容忍， 媒体报道的长度，以及不同性质的接触， 关于该集团的新闻报道。 他们潜在的政治决策模式 广泛应用于媒体启动和框架效应领域， 控制和自动处理信息，以及情感 以及对政治刺激的认知反应。

Most people have a standing decision to be tolerant or intolerant. Researchers concerned with tolerance have generally assumed that people rely on these established beliefs when reacting to disliked groups. Yet outburst of intolerance and repression are part of the United States' historical landscape. Why have these outbursts occurred? This research investigation provides a possible explanation for these fluctuations in tolerance. When people feel threatened, which is likely when an unpopular group bursts onto the political scene, a natural response is anxiety. These feelings of anxiety may subsequently result in political intolerance. Preliminary results from a series of pretest studies corroborate the relationships among threat, anxiety and intolerance: people's perceptions of a group's belligerence and treachery result in increased anxiety and, hence, increased intolerance. But how are these threat perceptions, shaped? The investigators will examine the impact of threat on tolerance by studying variations in how the media and political and legal elites present unpopular groups and their ideas. To examine these concerns, the researchers present video stimuli to people in a series of experiments developed in three phases. Phase I involves creating realistic videos about the two most frequently chosen least-liked groups in the pretest studies: racist and pro-choice groups. Four videos for each group will contain combinations of the two experimental manipulations: high and low versions of the probability of the group coming to power, and threatening and reassuring versions of the group violating the norms of proper, orderly behavior. They will also create video segments that have legal or political elites priming abstract democratic principles. Phase II consists of manipulation checks to ensure that the videos actually manipulate the intended qualities. Phase III involves conducting the full experiments. In the first experiment, subjects will be randomly assigned to a video presentation that includes the normative violations and probability manipulations. The second experiment will use these videos with the democratic norms segment added to them. The third set of experiments will examine variations on these basic experiments, including placing tolerance in an electoral context, varying the length of media coverage, and varying the nature of exposure to news stories about the group. The model of political decision making they develop potentially has wide application in the areas of media priming and framing effects, controlled and automatic processing of information, and affective and cognitive reactions to political stimuli.