Micro-level mapping: Understanding service hubs from service users' perspectives

ESRC：Fiona Long：ES/P00069X/1住房于2009年在艾伯塔省埃德蒙顿首次推出，其雄心勃勃的目标是通过为长期无家可归的人提供永久住所来结束无家可归现象，然后提供全方位支持，客户选择是一个核心方面。自实施以来，HF已经取得了几个成功的结果，例如，80%的HF参与者至少被安置了12个月。从表面上看，这一举措似乎是高度社会进步的。然而，当在无家可归者治理的更广泛背景下考虑时，这种向高频的转变同时代表着从宿舍和收容中心等紧急支持形式的转变，以及因此从“依赖服务的贫民区”或“服务中心”的转变(Evans，Collins和Chai，2018年)。服务中心由一系列小规模的、通常位于中心位置的服务组成，这些服务往往彼此交互。这种贫困个人在贫困地区的空间集中是支撑瓦昆特城市边缘概念的逻辑之一(1999)。瓦昆特强调，这样的社区是国家规划和住房政策的产物，因此它们的传播在很大程度上是一个政治问题。从这个角度来看，埃德蒙顿的住房政策在一定程度上可以被视为试图驱散其无家可归者服务中心。虽然多种原因可能不利于无家可归人口的社会空间管理，但Evans和DeVerteuil(2018)强调了城市中产阶级化的重要性。然而，Evans Collins和Chai(2018)探索了埃德蒙顿市中心服务中心面对士绅化的复原力；确定了用于防御流离失所的战略，并强调复原力对无家可归人口的安全、福祉和生存的重要性。因此，这项研究项目将探索服务中心在HF之后的弹性。一些研究试图探索这一主题，方法是首先绘制服务中心的地理位置图，然后对这些服务的代表(DeVerteuil，2012；Evans，Collins和Chai，2018年)或这些服务的用户(Kearns等人，2019年)进行访谈。这些研究首先确定中级服务枢纽组合，然后将重点放在微观级别的账户上。这项研究不是以预先建立的服务中心地图为起点，而是代表了一种新的方法方法，将鼓励无家可归的人创建自己的地图；使用微观层面的账户来识别中观层面的集合。自下而上绘制无家可归城市地图的方法可以揭示非无家可归者可能看不到的“隐藏”方面，例如闭路电视摄像头(Kiddey，2014)。此外，由于“城市环境既塑造了城市环境，又被所有居住者塑造”(Cloke，May and Johnsen，2008：241)，以这种方式重新绘制城市地图可以引起人们对无家可归者在规则和抵制背景下通过战术谈判和自发情绪重新创造空间的方式的关注。我将在方便的情况下招募参与者，要求在他们进行日常工作时陪同他们。GPS技术将被用来跟踪这些日常移动，从而创建一个单独的服务中心地图(Hall和Smith，2013)。我将把GPS测绘与自动摄影结合起来，让参与者拍摄他们使用的或对他们有意义的地方(Johnsen，May和Cloke，2008)。随之而来的谈话将被认为是一种非结构化的面试。这项研究将在不断变化的无家可归者治理中定位个人叙事，以探索埃德蒙顿的服务中心在HF之后的复原力。还将对照现有的服务中心地图绘制GPS地图，以评估汇聚点和分歧点。

ESRC : Fiona Long: ES/P00069X/1Housing First was introduced in Edmonton, Alberta in 2009 and had the ambitious goals of ending homelessness by giving chronically homeless people a permanent home, followed by the provision of wrap-around support, with client choice being a central aspect. Since implementation, HF has yielded several successful outcomes, for example, 80% of HF participants have remained housed for at least 12 months. On the face of it, this move appears to be highly socially progressive. However, when considered within wider context of homeless governance, this shift towards HF simultaneously represents a shift away from forms of emergency support such as hostel and drop-in centres, and consequently a move away from 'service-dependent ghettos' or 'service hubs' (Evans, Collins and Chai, 2018). Service hubs consist of a range of small-scale, often centrally located services, which tend to interact with one another. This spatial concentration of impoverished individuals in deprived, 'no-go' areas is one of the logics underpinning Wacquant's concept of urban marginality (1999). Wacquant emphasises that such neighbourhoods are the creation of state planning and housing policies, and that their diffusion is therefore largely a political issue. Viewed from this perspective, Edmonton's housing policy can be seen in part as an attempt to disperse its homeless service hub. Whilst multiple reasons may underly the socio-spatial management of homeless populations, Evans and DeVerteuil (2018) highlight the prominence of urban gentrification. However, Evans Collins and Chai (2018) have explored the resilience Edmonton's downtown service hub in the face of gentrification; identifying strategies used to defend against displacement and stressing the importance of resilience for the security, wellbeing, and survival of homeless populations. This research project will therefore explore the resilience of service hubs in the wake of HF. A number of studies have sought to explore this topic by first mapping the geographical locations of service hubs and then conducting interviews with either representatives of those services (DeVerteuil, 2012; Evans, Collins and Chai, 2018) or users of those services (Kearns et al, 2019). These studies begin by identifying meso-level service hub assemblages, before focusing on micro-level accounts. Rather than taking a pre-established map of service hubs as its starting point, this study represents a new methodological approach, which will encourage homeless individuals to create their own maps; using micro-level accounts to identify meso-level assemblages. A bottom-up approach to mapping homeless cities can unveil 'hidden' aspects of these landscapes which may be invisible to non-homeless people e.g. CCTV cameras (Kiddey, 2014). Further, as the 'urban environment both shapes and is shaped by all those who inhabit it' (Cloke, May and Johnsen, 2008: 241), remapping the city in this way can draw attention to the ways in homeless individuals rework space through both tactical negotiations and spontaneous emotions within the context of regulation and resistance. I will recruit participants on a convenience basis, asking to accompany them whilst they go about their usual routines. GPS technology will be used to track these daily movements, thereby creating an individual service hub map (Hall and Smith, 2013). I will combine GPS-mapping with auto-photography, by asking participants photograph places which they utilise or are significant to them (Johnsen, May and Cloke, 2008). Accompanying conversations will be conceived as a type of unstructured interview. This study will locate individual narratives within the changing terrains homeless governance, in order to explore the resilience of Edmonton's service hub in the wake of HF. GPS maps will also be plotted against existing service hub maps to assess points of convergence and divergence.