The 'New Antisemitism': A Historically Informed Case Study Analysis

2009年12月，本雅明·内塔尼亚胡总理在以色列议会发表讲话，指出危及以色列国的三大战略威胁：“伊朗[核]威胁，[哈马斯]导弹威胁和我称之为戈德斯通威胁的威胁”。撤资和制裁（BDS）运动-一个“抹黑其名字的国际运动”和非法化“我们的存在”-而总统里夫林将BDS描述为“最高程度的战略威胁”。这种代表性对以色列政治有什么影响？这些警钟应该被解释为真诚的警告，还是被其他问题驱动的公共外交？这些问题对学者和政治行为者都很重要。前者必须判断这些言论在多大程度上准确反映了以色列官员的信念，从而解释和预测他们的行为。后者在制定政治战略时必须考虑这些因素。我的博士研究将以内塔尼亚胡所引用的四个威胁-伊朗，哈马斯火箭，戈德斯通和BDS-作为案例研究，以调查以色列话语中的“存在威胁”的制度和话语政治。它将试图回答，在每一个案例研究，三个相互关联的问题：1。以色列官方和媒体如何解释和翻译对以色列的外部压力？2.“存在威胁”是如何作为一种资源部署在以色列政治舞台上的？3.什么是支撑以色列“存在威胁”话语的制度架构？

In a December 2009 Knesset address, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu identified three major strategic threats imperilling the State of Israel: 'the Iranian [nuclear] threat, the [Hamas] missile threat and a threat I call the Goldstone threat'.1 In 2015, Netanyahu declared that Israel was 'in the midst of a great struggle' against the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement-an 'international campaign to blacken its name' and delegitimise 'our very existence'-while President Reuven Rivlin characterised BDS as a 'strategic threat of the highest degree'.2 What motivated the identification of these forces as strategic or existential threats? What consequences did this representation have for Israeli politics? Should these tocsins be interpreted as sincere professions of alarm or as public diplomacy driven by other concerns? These questions are significant for scholars and political actors alike. The former must judge the extent to which such statements accurately reflect Israeli officials' beliefs and hence account for and predict their behaviour. The latter must consider them when formulating political strategy. My doctoral research will take the four threats cited by Netanyahu-Iran, Hamas rockets, Goldstone, and BDS-as case studies to investigate the institutional and discursive politics of 'existential threat' in Israeli discourse. It will attempt to answer, in respect of each case study, three inter-related questions: 1. How is external pressure on Israel interpreted and translated in Israeli official and media discourse?2. How is 'existential threat' deployed as a resource in Israeli political contestation?3. What is the institutional architecture underpinning 'existential threat' discourse in Israel?