课题基金 / 基金详情

"Controlling caporali: Modern slavery, migrant farmworkers, and the fight against gangmasters in Southern Italy"

"Controlling caporali: Modern slavery, migrant farmworkers, and the fight against gangmasters in Southern Italy"
“控制卡波拉利:现代奴隶制、农民工以及意大利南部与黑帮头目的斗争”
批准号:
2220601
负责人:
金额:
$0.0万
依托单位:
依托单位国家:
英国
项目类别:
Studentship
财政年份:
2019
资助国家:
英国
项目状态:
已结题
起止时间:
2019 至 --

项目摘要

项目成果

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中文摘要
翻译
Caporalato是一种“工头”(或“非法雇佣”)制度,在主流叙事中被指责为意大利南部移民农场工人的“现代奴隶制”生活和工作条件。针对这一制度,并以改善移徙农场工人的条件为既定目标,在过去几年中组织了许多不同的运动和倡议。反caporalato的世界非常多样化,包括最近的反caporalato法(2016年),这是更严格的警察控制和机构“表格”的基础,它将广泛的玩家联合起来反对这一现象。非政府组织、工会和协会,以及地方和国家政府,以及农业企业的社会责任机构,都采取了反对caporalato的立场,并组织了一些项目来对抗它。然而,这些反caporalato运动是基于对caporalato是什么(例如非法移民或有组织犯罪问题)的非常不同的理解而制定的,并且对形成移民农场工人困境的社会进程产生了不同的具体影响。通过探索这些举措的多样性,该研究将调查它们在实现既定目标方面取得的成功,分析它们在多大程度上挑战、限制或再现了意大利南部农业移民的可怕状况。分析将通过广泛的民族志,定性和解释性方法进行阐述,这将基于对三个主要数据来源的分析(在NVivo软件的支持下制定):1)机构,非政府组织和其他相关组织发布的官方材料;2)法庭档案中保存的关于2016年《反资本主义法》执行情况的司法档案(由警察、律师和法官);3)对农民工和反caporalato倡议工作人员的大量半结构化访谈。由于caporalato已被令人信服地认为是全球化、新自由主义农业生产的“完美控制工具”,反caporalato有望为农民工实现更大的自由和自治。事实上,国际劳工组织(ILO)在2016年制定的打击人口贩运的最新方案专门关注全球供应链,并越来越多地依赖于企业社会责任计划。然而,当农民工抗议当地非政府组织的家长式和安全主义做法时,他们认为人道主义组织是“差别包容”农民工的关键角色,他们是被动的、非法的、孤立的、可剥削的、脆弱的主体。自由和奴役之间的区别,对于围绕反贩运的理论辩论至关重要,成为运动的日常合理性,其具体效果几乎不言而喻。因此,迫切需要实证研究反资本主义倡议的多样性和潜在的统一性如何与不同的社会进程交织在一起,这些社会进程共同塑造了社会、经济和政治景观,最终导致了农民工的悲惨状况。
英文摘要
Caporalato is the 'gangmaster' (or 'illicit employment') system blamed in mainstream narratives for the "modern-day slavery" living and working conditions of migrant farmworkers in the South of Italy. Against this system, and with the stated aim of bettering the conditions of migrant farmworkers, many different campaigns and initiatives have been organised in the last few years. The world of anti-caporalato is very diverse, including a recent anti-caporalato law (2016), that has been the basis for both stricter police control and institutional 'tables', which unite a broad range of players fighting against this phenomenon. NGOs, trade unions, and associations, as well as local and national governments, and the social responsibility apparatuses of agri-business companies, have taken a stance against caporalato, and organised projects to fight it. These anti-caporalato campaigns, however, have been formulated from very different understandings of what caporalato is (e.g. a problem of illegal migration or organised crime), and with varying concrete effects on the social processes shaping the plight of migrant farmworkers.Exploring the diversity of these initiatives, the research will investigate their success against their stated aims, analysing to what extent they challenge, are limited by, or reproduce the terrible conditions of migrants in Southern Italian agriculture. The analysis will be elaborated through a broadly ethnographic, qualitative and interpretive approach, which will be based on an analysis (formulated with the support of the software NVivo) of three main sources of data: 1) the official materials published by institutions, NGOs and other relevant organisations; 2) the juridical files that illustrate the implementation of the 2016 anti-caporalato law (by police forces, lawyers and judges), kept in the tribunals' archives; 3) a large set of semi-structured interviews with migrant farmworkers and people working in the anti-caporalato initiatives. Since caporalato has been convincingly argued to be a "perfect tool of control" for globalised, neoliberal, agricultural production, anti-caporalato could be expected to achieve greater freedom and autonomy for migrant farmworkers. Indeed, recent formulations of anti-trafficking, developed for instance by the ILO in 2016, focus specifically on global supply chains, and increasingly rely on corporate social responsibility schemes. However, when migrant farmworkers protest the paternalistic and securitarian approach of local NGOs, they posit humanitarian organisations as crucial actors in the "differential inclusion" of migrant workers as passive, illegalised, isolated, exploitable, vulnerable subjects. The distinction between freedom and slavery, so crucial to theoretical debates around anti-trafficking, becomes the everyday rationality of campaigns whose concrete effects are all but self-evident. Hence, it becomes urgent to empirically study how anti-caporalato initiatives, in their diversity as well as underlying unity, are intertwined with the different social processes that together shape the social, economic and political landscape ultimately resulting in the tragic conditions of migrant farmworkers.
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