"Foreign Aid to the Ghettos": The United States and the Global Threat of 'Underdevelopment,' 1945-1970.

对于我的研究项目，我想把重点放在战后时期美国国内发展努力的跨国背景下，特别是集中在20世纪60年代。与一些战后现代化理论家的必胜主义主张相反，在其历史的大部分时间里，人们所感知的“不发达”问题并不局限于美国以外的世界。二战后，福特和洛克菲勒等慈善基金会在全球南部应用了针对印第安人保留地和日本拘留营的技术，然后随着政策制定者和评论家越来越多地将目光投向美国种族隔离城市的“种族火罐”，这些技术又流传回美国。许多人认为，20世纪60年代美国城市的骚乱与印度支那战争的深化一样，对国家安全构成了威胁。它也被认为是一个有着共同根源的问题。美国城市中所谓的“不发达”地区以及南越的“不发达”地区都被认为以类似的方式和出于类似的原因威胁着美国的国家安全。我想探讨这种不发达威胁的全球化是如何通过美国和全球南方之间的个人循环来实现的，以及这对政策制定者和基金会官员应对美国城市“大起义”的方式产生了什么影响。

For my research project I would like to focus on the transnational context of US developmental efforts at home during thepostwar period, focusing in particular on the 1960s. Contrary to the triumphalist assertions of some post-warmodernisation theorists, for most of its history the perceived problem of 'underdevelopment' has not been restricted tothe world outside the United States. After WW2, techniques honed to deal with this problem on Indian reservations andJapanese internment camps were applied in the global South by philanthropic foundations such as Ford and Rockefeller,before circulating back to the United States as policymakers and commentators increasingly fixed their gaze on 'racialtinderbox' of America's segregated cities. The unrest in America's cities during the 1960s was considered by many to bea national security threat on parr with that posed by the deepening war in Indochina. It was also perceived to be aproblem which shared common roots. Both the pockets of so-called 'underdevelopment' in America's cities, as well asthe lack of 'development' in South Vietnam, were understood to threaten US national security in similar ways and forsimilar reasons. I want to explore how this globalising of the threat of underdevelopment was accomplished by thecirculation of individuals between the United States and the global South, and what impact this had on the way thatpolicymakers and foundation officials responded to the 'Great Uprising' in US cities.