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Modern Marronage: Black Anarchism as a Black Atlantic Tradition, 1969-1989.

Modern Marronage: Black Anarchism as a Black Atlantic Tradition, 1969-1989.
现代婚姻:作为大西洋黑人传统的黑人无政府主义,1969-1989。
批准号:
2750997
负责人:
金额:
$0.0万
依托单位:
依托单位国家:
英国
项目类别:
Studentship
财政年份:
2022
资助国家:
英国
项目状态:
未结题
起止时间:
2022 至 --

项目摘要

项目成果

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中文摘要
翻译
我的论文探讨了一个独特的和经常不承认的历史力量和身份:黑人无政府主义。继续和扩大我的哲学硕士研究,我的博士的主要关注是历史化和理解激进的自由意志主义意识形态和行动在黑人散居社区在20世纪70年代和80年代的存在。我的哲学博士研究的动机是我的愿望,以扩大对“黑人激进传统”的理解,包括无政府主义。当与现有的无政府主义和黑人激进传统的史学接触时,人们会发现两种不同的话语,只有最小的重叠点。我对两者交织在一起的叙述的参与说明了一个对比鲜明的历史现实,使我能够强调一个传统中几乎未经审查的传统:一种黑人激进主义的实践和言论,在其他地方被理解为无政府主义。此外,我所质疑的叙述很少在历史编纂中的黑人或反种族主义的主要叙述之外找到形式。通过在无政府主义实践和意识形态的特定背景下构建黑人激进叙事,我将阐明他们的细微差别以及黑人行动主义的未被充分认识的广度。通过强调黑人激进主义中的无政府主义的吸引力和召唤,我将与最近和有影响力的黑人激进政治工作,如罗布水的思考黑色,詹姆斯G。坎特雷斯的《使英国变黑》和凯莎·布莱恩的《让世界着火》,挑战并推动了尚未考虑黑人无政府主义存在或意义的史学潮流。我提供黑人无政府主义不是作为一个僵化或封闭的政治身份,而是作为一个历史现象的黑人个人和社区使用无政府主义的做法,原则和修辞在寻找黑人解放。虽然所选择的时间表并没有详尽无遗的这一传统,它确实突出了一个关键时刻的黑人激进政治。在黑人权力的觉醒中形成,沿着黑人女权主义的日益增长的购买力,以及拉斯特法里主义的重新全球影响力,黑人无政府主义发现自己卷入了20世纪70年代和80年代许多结合时刻的产生和反应。本论文将围绕影响黑人无政府主义的诉求和效果的时空因素,探讨黑人的生活经验如何塑造其表达方式。有两个政治谱系,这项研究应该改变:无政府主义,作为一种政治理论和历史现象,如何修改包括黑人激进历史?相应地,这些无政府主义的叙述如何调整黑人激进主义的历史?为了回答这些问题,我将利用在黑人历史边缘和无政府主义历史雷达之外发现的案例研究。例如,其中一章将重点介绍黑人公社在伦敦的建立,主要是由特立尼达出生的黑人权力活动家迈克尔X领导的“黑屋”。这提供了一个窗口,黑色权力的接近无政府主义,并将给予一个迄今被忽视的叙事档案的关注,它保证。然后,我将转向整个时期激进的黑人女权主义政治行动的复杂性。例如,奥利弗·莫里斯在20世纪70年代参与棚户区运动的关键,开始说明无政府主义活动和黑人妇女激进政治之间的关系。跨越大西洋,我将专门用一章来介绍费城黑人革命团体MOVE,将他们的无政府原始主义黑人身份置于背景之中。加勒比意识的无政府状态将构成我论文的一条主线,因为我问激进的加勒比身份,如拉斯特法里主义,如何构想(和处理)国家及其对整个散居地的影响。我的论文的这四个构成要素不是由目的论的历史假设联系在一起的,而是由一个基本的历史假设联系在一起的。
英文摘要
My thesis explores a distinct and oft unrecognised historical force and identity: black anarchism. Continuing and expanding upon my MPhil research, the chief concern of my DPhil is to historicise and comprehend the presence of radical libertarian ideologies and actions in black diasporic communities in the 1970s and 1980s. My DPhil research is motivated by my desire to widen comprehensions of the 'black radical tradition' to encompass anarchism. When engaging with the existing historiography of anarchism and the black radical tradition one finds two distinct discourses with minimal points of overlap. My engagement with the intertwined narratives of both illustrates a contrasting historical reality, allowing me to accentuate an almost unexamined tradition within a tradition: a strain of black radicalism engaged in practices and rhetoric elsewhere understood as anarchism. Moreover, the narratives I am interrogating have seldom found form outside of the master narrative of blackness or anti-racism in historiography. By framing black radical narratives in the specific context of anarchic practice and ideology, I will illuminate their nuances as well as the underappreciated breadth of black activism. Through emphasising the appeal and invocation of anarchism within black radicalism, I will be in direct dialogue with recent and influential work on black radical politics such as Rob Water's Thinking Black, James G. Cantres' Blackening Britain, and Keisha Blaine's Set the World on Fire, challenging and contributing to historiographical trends which are yet to consider black anarchism's existence or significance. I offer black anarchism not as a rigid or closed political identity, but, instead, as a historical phenomenon of black individuals and communities using anarchistic practices, principles, and rhetoric in search of black liberation. Although the chosen timeframe is not exhaustive of this tradition, it does highlight a crucial moment of black radical politics. Taking form in Black Power's wake, along with black feminism's growing purchase, and the renewed global reach of Rastafarianism, black anarchism finds itself entangled in the engendering of, and responses to, numerous conjunctural moments in the 1970s and 1980s. My thesis will centre the temporal and spatial factors that influenced black anarchism's invocation and efficacy and explore how black lived experience moulded its articulation. There are two political genealogies this research should alter: how is anarchism, as a political theory and historical phenomenon, modified by the inclusion of black radical history? And, correspondingly, how do these narratives of anarchism adjust the history of black radicalism?To answer these questions, I will utilise case studies found at the margins of black history and beyond the radar of anarchist history. For example, one chapter will focus on the establishment of black communes in London, primarily the 'Black House', led by Trinidadian born Black Power activist Michael X. This offers a window into Black Power's proximity to anarchism and will give a hitherto neglected narrative the archival attention it warrants. I will then turn to the intricacies of radical black feminist political action throughout the period. Olive Morris' pivotal involvement in the squatters' movement in the 1970s, for instance, begins to illustrate the relationship between anarchist activities and black women's radical politics. Crossing the Atlantic, I will dedicate a chapter to the Philadelphia black revolutionary group MOVE, contextualising their anarcho-primitivist black identity. The anarchy of Caribbean consciousness will comprise a through-line of my thesis, as I ask how radical Caribbean identities, such as Rastafarianism, conceived of (and dealt with) the state and the influence this had throughout the diaspora. These four constitutive elements of my thesis are tied together not by a teleological historical assumption, but rather the ma
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