(Re)sounding Jerusalem: Power, Piety and Performance in Late-Ottoman Jerusalem (1850-1920)

[T]he加农炮[斋月]被放置在屋顶上的大卫城堡在雅法门。当它发射时，特别是在晚上，它震动了整个城市，而且由于大炮的位置，任何地方都可以听到声音。（Tamari和Nassar，2014：139）[W]e都在2月6日星期三最大的恐惧中，这是指定的行为[Beiram] [...]每一次敲门声，或者一声炮响，都让我觉得我们的时代已经到来。（Barclay，1883：286）这两个小摘录为读者提供了对19世纪末耶路撒冷的“斋月大炮”的对比反应。1第一个条目来自瓦西夫·贾瓦里耶的日记（Tamari和Nassar，2014），由于他对奥斯曼帝国晚期耶路撒冷生活的多产著作，他通常被称为“耶路撒冷的说书人”。他的叙述揭示了他和许多其他人对这座城市的城市结构所共有的亲密的声音熟悉。Jawhariyyeh的日记更普遍地提供了奥斯曼帝国晚期耶路撒冷的一个声学星座（费尔德，2016）;一个详细的洞察声事件，构成了城市居民的一种文化认知形式。第二个摘录提供了另一段历史--英国殖民者在世纪耶路撒冷的存在。这一描述摘自露西·巴克莱的信件，她是世纪后期耶路撒冷传教士主教约瑟夫·巴克莱的妻子。像罗纳德拉达诺和特朱莫拉奥拉尼扬（2016：4）一样，我认为这一摘录是我们可能理解“现代西方帝国的叙述”的一种方式。which哪一个audibility听觉notoriously显著involved参与[listening听力] interventions干预carrying携带real真实consequence后果in social社会and cultural文化activity活动“.在上面引用的摘录中，巴克莱家族不熟悉在重大宗教节日中使用枪支的做法，听到大炮暗示着攻击，而实际上，情况恰恰相反。我以这个小插曲开始，以说明听得见的历史和不一致的经验（赛义德，1994年），这是显而易见的结合殖民地和土著帐户。换句话说，这两个摘录，当读通过一个赛迪透镜，对位（赛义德，1994年：66），阐明了一个声学丰富的理解后期奥斯曼斋月的做法：在某种意义上，一个声音标记的领土权力，在另一个，一个声学仪器，为规范开斋饭

[T]he cannon [of Ramadan] was placed on the rooftop of David Castle in Jaffa Gate. When it was fired,particularly at night, it shook the entire city, and the sound could be heard anywhere because of the cannon'selevated location. (Tamari and Nassar, 2014:139)[W]e were all in the greatest dread of Wednesday, February 6th, which was the day appointed for the deed[Beiram] [...] Every knock at the door, or the firing of a cannon, made me think our time had come. (Barclay,1883:286)These two small excerpts offer readers contrasting reactions to the 'Ramadan cannon' of late-19thcentury Jerusalem.1 The first entry is from the diaries of Wasif Jawhariyyeh (Tamari and Nassar,2014), often called the 'the storyteller of Jerusalem' thanks to his prolific writings of life in lateOttoman Jerusalem. His accounts reveal the intimate sonic familiarity that he and many othersshared with the urban fabric of the city. Jawhariyyeh's diaries more generally provide anacoustemological constellation of late-Ottoman Jerusalem (Feld, 2016); a detailed insight intosonic events that constituted a form of cultural knowing for the city's residents. The second extractoffers another history - that of the colonial British presence in 19th century Jerusalem. Thisaccount is taken from the letters of Lucy Barclay, wife of Joseph Barclay, the missionary Bishopin Jerusalem for much of the late-19th century. Like Ronald Radano and Tejumola Olaniyan(2016:4), I see this extract as a way in which we might comprehend 'the narratives of modernwestern empires [...] in which audibility conspicuously involved [listening] interventions carryingreal consequence in social and cultural activity'. In the extracts quoted above the Barclayhousehold, unfamiliar with the practices of using gunfire at major religious feasts, hear the cannonas being indicative of an attack, when, in actuality, it was quite the opposite. I open with thisvignette to illustrate the audible histories and discrepant experiences (Said, 1994) that are madeapparent in combining colonial and native accounts. In other words, these two extracts, when readthrough a Saidian lens, contrapuntally (Said, 1994:66), illuminate an acoustically rich understandingof Late-Ottoman Ramadan practices: in one sense, a sonic marking of territorial power, in another,an acoustic instrument for regulating iftar