Sex, Politicans and Morality in France 1945-1982

我的作品可以放在一个全新的历史写作的背景下，这些写作开始探索20世纪70年代早期之前同性恋的社会和文化史，挑战了之前几十年可以被描述为一个隐形和被动的时期的观点，当时许多同性恋者内化了主流文化的敌意。John d' emilio关于美国“同性恋”运动的作品Mattachine回顾了20世纪50年代和60年代初。乔治·昌西关于纽约的著作揭示了19世纪90年代至30年代男同性恋亚文化的丰富性，表明“现代同性恋”直到20世纪30年代才出现，并且医学话语在塑造同性恋身份方面的力量比人们通常认为的要弱。他现在正将这项研究带入战后时期，并对某些关于20世纪50年代的既定图像提出质疑。Eve Kossovsky Sedgwick和David Halperin等文化评论家也对性身份模型进行了有趣的研究。然而，直到最近，对法国的研究一直落后。这是由于法国历史学界对被视为受“盎格鲁-撒克逊”身份政治影响太大的方法存在一定的怀疑（出于同样的原因，法国历史学家在解决移民问题上行动迟缓）。弗雷德里克·马特尔（Frederic Martel）的一本书很好地说明了这一点，他调查了1968年以来法国同性恋的历史，最后谴责了同性恋的“社群主义”。在过去的十年里，人们对同性恋的态度已经发生了变化，部分原因是受到非法国学者的影响，但也要归功于年轻一代法国历史学家的研究，他们开始以更复杂的方式探索同性恋的历史。但到目前为止，他们的工作成本是在1945年之前。我的书将是第一本将上述一些研究议程应用于战后法国的书。我写这本书的目的是重温20世纪50年代到80年代初法国同性恋运动的政治历史。着眼于阿卡迪的“亲同性恋”运动，它将挑战一套特定的假设，这些假设产生于那个时期的政治斗争，但现在需要对其进行历史分析。我想展示阿卡迪亚关于性的话语的复杂性和多样性；考察它如何影响和改变了成千上万的法国同性恋者的生活；检验it政治策略的成功与否；探索其政治影响。将同性恋者在20世纪50年代和60年代发展起来的生存和团结、适应和抵抗的策略简化为同性恋压迫的“内化”（正如阿卡迪的批评者所声称的那样），这是一种简化主义和非历史性的做法。我计划探索1945年后法国同性恋经历的失落大陆。我的工作将是一项历史研究，从这个意义上说，它不能说有任何直接的应用。然而，我认为，它将助长法国目前关于性政治（同性婚姻和法国民事伴侣关系）和身份政治的辩论。由于法国共和传统的强大的智力主导地位，宗教、种族和性被归入私人领域。这种思想背景影响了对同性恋政治的讨论方式。早在1964年，阿卡迪亚就发表了一篇文章，对美国出现的同性恋“社区”进行了污名化。在现实中，“社群主义”和“普遍主义”之间的两极，一位阿卡迪亚作家所说的“le droit a!”用“冷漠”来反对同性恋自由主义者所宣称的“平等对待两性差异”，未免过于简单化了。阿卡迪亚本身在理论上接受了一种“融合”的话语，但在实践中，它创造了法国同性恋社区的雏形。这种模糊性使阿卡迪成为一个有趣的棱镜，通过它来处理这些问题。

My work can be situated within the context a whole body of new historical writing which has begun to explore the social and cultural history of homosexuality before the early 1970s, challenging the view that the preceding decades can be characterised as a period of invisibility and passivity, when many homosexuals internalised dominant culture's hostility. John d'Emilio's work on the American 'homophile' movement Mattachine revisits the 1950s and early 1960s. George Chauncey's work on New York, uncovering the richness of gay male subcultures of the 1890s-1930s, show that the 'modern homosexual' did not appear until well into the 1930s and that the power of medical discourse in fashioning homosexual identities was weaker than often believed. He is now taking this research into the post-war period, and challenging certain received images about the 1950s. There is also interesting work on models of sexual identity bycultural commentators such as Eve Kossovsky Sedgwick and David Halperin. Until recently, however, work on France has lagged behind. This is due to a certain suspicion within the French historical community towards approaches seen as too influenced by 'Anglo-Saxon' identity politics (for the same reason French historians were slow to address the issue of immigration). A good indication of this is the book by Frederic Martel whose survey of the history of homosexuality in France since 1968 ended with a denunciation of homosexual 'communitarianism'. Over the last ten year attitudes have been changing, partly under the influence of non-French scholars, but also owing to the research of a younger generation of French historians who have started to explore the history of homosexuality in a more sophisticated manner. But so far cost of their work has been on the period before 1945. My book will be the first to apply some of the research agendas described above to France after the war. The aim of my book will be to revisit the history of the politics of the French homosexual movement between the 1950s and the early 1980s. Focusing on the 'homophile' movement Arcadie, it will challenge a certain set of assumptions which were born out of the political struggles of the period, but which now require to be analysed historically. I want to show the complexity and diversity of Arcadia's discourses on sexuality; to examine the ways in which it affected and transformed the lives of thousands of French homosexuals; to test the success of it political strategy; to probe its political influence. It is reductionist and unhistorical to reduce the strategies of survival and solidarity, adaptation and resistance, which homosexuals developed in the 1950s and 1960s to an 'interiorisation' of homosexual repression (as claimed by Arcadie's critics). I plan to explore a lost continent of homosexual experience in France after 1945. My work will be a piece of historical research, and in that sense it cannot be said to have any immediate applications. I think, however, that it will feed into current debates in France about sexual politics (gay marriage and the French civil partnerships) and identity politics. Owing to the strong intellectual dominance of the French republican tradition, religion, ethnicity and sexuality are relegated to the sphere of the private. This intellectual context influences the way discussions over gay politics are conducted. Already in 1964 Arcadia published an article stigmatising the emergence in the United States of a gay 'community'. In reality the polarity between 'communitarianism' and 'universalism', between what one Arcadia writer called 'le droit a!'Indifference' in opposition to gay liberationists' claim to 'le droit a Ia difference' is too simplistic. Arcadia itself embraced a discourse of 'integration' in theory, but in practice it created the embryo of a gay community in France. This ambiguity makes Arcadie an interesting prism through which to approach these issues.