Moral choices: The influence of the "Do not play God" principle
Moral choices: The influence of the "Do not play God" principle
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道德选择:“不扮演上帝”原则的影响
DOI:
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发表时间:
2013
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
F. Mancini
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文献类型:
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作者:
F. Mancini
Moral choices: The influence of the “Do not play God” principle Amelia Gangemi (gangemia@unime.it) Department of Cognitive Science, Via Concezione, 6 Messina, 98121- Italy Francesco Mancini (mancini@apc.it) Scuola di Psicoterapia Cognitiva, Viale Castro Pretorio, 116, Rome, 00185 - Italy Abstract A wide literature demonstrates that people prefer harm caused by omissions over equal or lesser harm caused by actions. This omission bias has been explained referring to several principles, such as causality or responsibility. A convincing research view has been suggested by Sunstein (2005): harmful acts are generally worse than harmful omissions when moral intuitions reflect the “Do not play God” principle: inactions interfere less with the “natural order.” In two preliminary studies, we examine the influence of the “Do not play God” principle on individuals moral preferences, using the switch version of the trolley problem. Study 1 demonstrates that our participants’ justifications for their inaction choice explicitly refer to the intention of not interfering with the “natural order”. Study 2 demonstrates that the presence of stimuli influencing a reduction of protagonist’s decisional autonomy (e.g. an authority) activates the “Do not play God” principle, leading them to prefer inaction. Keywords: Omission bias; Moral choices; Trolley dilemma; “Do not play God” principle. Introduction It’s quite common the intuition that it is worse for a doctor to kill a patient with a deadly disease then let him die by abstaining from any kind of medical intervention. Consequentialist philosophers argue that these cases should be considered equivalently (Singer, 1979). In a number of well-controlled experiments Baron and colleagues have shown instead that people consider harmful acts worse than harmful omissions with otherwise identical, predictable outcomes (i.e., omission bias). For example, Spranca, Minsk and Baron (1991) showed that people find it worse when somebody who wants to harm a person offers this person a food item with an allergenic ingredient than when she passively watches the person who does not know about the ingredient taking this item himself. Ritov and Baron (1990) used also vaccination to illustrate the bias: many people consider the risk of harm from vaccination as more serious than the risk from omitting vaccination. This bias seems to affect real vaccination decisions (Asch et al., 1994; Meszaros et al., 1996), and it has been replicated in several situations (e.g. Royzman & Baron, 2002; Baron & Leshner, Wroe and Salkovskis (2000) explain this kind of choices arguing that most people regard themselves as more responsible for what they actively do than what they fail to do, and that this omission bias occurs due to perceived differences in causality and differing degrees of responsibility. In particular, according to these authors participants’ judgments about the immorality of commission depend on several factors that ordinarily distinguish omission and commission, such as physical movements in commission. Sunstein (2005) suggests instead that harmful acts are generally worse than harmful omissions when individuals’ moral intuitions reflect an overgeneralization of the “Do not play God” principle: omissions or inactions interfere less with the “natural order.” Omission generally carries less negative moral weight than commission, intervening less in individual’s destiny. Let’s go back to the doctor who decides to let a patient die by refraining from any kind of medical intervention. According to the common sense, this case is considered less morally negative than the case in which the same doctor gives the patient a medication that quickly kills him. But the former case (to suspend any medical treatment, i.e. the omission) does not imply less responsibility or physical movements than the second decision (to give a deadly medication, i.e. the commission): the doctor could ask to move the patient from the emergency room, or could proceed by removing tubes or catheters, or finally by communicating the nurses his instructions and supervising how they follow them. In other words, contrary to Wroe and Salkovskis (2000), the harmful omission could not necessarily imply less responsibility or physical movements than actions. From this point of view there are no differences between action and omission. So what does differentiate them? According to Sunstein’s hypothesis, the omission choice has less impact on the “natural order” (in the example the patient’s destiny), not violating the “do not play God” principle, and this would make the difference. It’s like people say: nobody can claim the right to decide over the life and death of someone, even if s/he explicitly asks to die. S/he can only follow and adapt to the events. Moreover, Haidt and Baron (1999) showed that the differences between harmful actions and omissions disappear (i.e. the omission has the same moral weight of
影响因子:
5.4
作者:
J. Haidt
通讯作者:
J. Haidt