Bunched /r/ promotes vowel merger to schwar: An ultrasound tongue imaging study of Scottish sociophonetic variation

Bunched /r/ promotes vowel merger to schwar: An ultrasound tongue imaging study of Scottish sociophonetic variation
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束状 /r/ 促进元音合并为 schwar:苏格兰社交语音变异的超声舌头成像研究

DOI:
10.1016/j.wocn.2013.01.004
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发表时间:
2013
影响因子:
1.9
通讯作者:
Lawson E
Lawson E
中科院分区:
人文科学1区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Lawson E

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一个世纪以来,语音学家们注意到中产阶级苏格兰英语中的元音合并,在发前检查元音//,//,//到中心元音的中和中,例如fir,fur,fern [f],[f] [f n],或[f],[f],[f n]。工人阶级的说话者经常将这些检查元音中的两个中性化为一个低回[]元音,fir,fur,两者都发音为[f]或[f]。中产阶级的合并通常被认为是对英国社会声望很高的RP语音系统的适应,其中有一个长期存在的三向非卷舌音合并,到[]。然而,我们建议一个系统内部的原因,与postvocalic /r/coarticulation可能发挥作用,在当代苏格兰元音合并。事实上,最近发现,强烈的卷舌音的中产阶级苏格兰人使用与工人阶级苏格兰人明显不同的舌头配置来产生元音后近似音/r/,后者也倾向于去卷舌音/r/。我们提出的结果,超声舌成像调查成束和舌前提出的/r/变量对前面的元音不同的coarticulatory的影响。我们从两个静态点比较舌形在卷舌音节韵。从语音上看,中产阶级使用的/r/比舌前凸起的/r/具有更强的全局协同发音力。这也导致了一个单元音的rhotic目标,历史上曾经是三个不同的检查元音。在语音学上,我们的观点是说苏格兰英语的中产阶级已经将V+/r/序列减少到一个片段;要么是一个卷舌元音/r/,要么是一个音节卷舌音/r/。
For a century, phoneticians have noted a vowel merger in middle-class Scottish English, in the neutralisation of prerhotic checked vowels /ɪ/, /ʌ/, /ɛ/ to a central vowel, e.g. fir, fur, fern [fəɹ], [fəɹ] [fəɹn], or [fɚ], [fɚ], [fɚn]. Working-class speakers often neutralise two of these checked vowels to a low back [ʌ] vowel, fir, fur, both pronounced as [fʌɹ] or as [fʌʕ]. The middle-class merger is often assumed to be an adaptation towards the UK’s socially prestigious R.P. phonological system in which there is a long-standing three-way non-rhotic merger, to [ɜː]. However, we suggest a system-internal cause, that coarticulation with the postvocalic /r/ may play a role in the contemporary Scottish vowel merger. Indeed, strongly rhotic middle-class Scottish speakers have recently been found to produce postvocalic approximant /r/ using a markedly different tongue configuration from working-class Scottish speakers, who also tend to derhoticise /r/. We present the results of an ultrasound tongue imaging investigation into the differing coarticulatory effects of bunched and tongue-front raised /r/ variants on preceding vowels. We compare tongue shapes from two static points during rhotic syllable rimes. Phonetically, it appears that the bunched /r/ used by middle-class speakers exerts a stronger global coarticulatory force over preceding vowel tongue configurations than tongue-front raised /r/ does. This also results in a monophthongal rhotic target for what historically had been three distinct checked vowels. Phonologically, our view is that middle-class speakers of Scottish English have reduced the V+/r/ sequence to one segment; either a rhoticised vowel /ɚ/ or a syllabic rhotic /r/.
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