Quantifiers more or less quantify online: ERP evidence for partial incremental interpretation.

Quantifiers more or less quantify online: ERP evidence for partial incremental interpretation.
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DOI:
10.1016/j.jml.2010.03.008
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发表时间:
2010-08-01
影响因子:
4.3
通讯作者:
Kutas, Marta
Kutas, Marta
中科院分区:
心理学2区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Urbach, Thomas P.;Kutas, Marta

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在RSVP阅读过程中记录事件相关脑电位,以检验量词表达被完全和立即增量解释的假设。在句子挖掘一般知识(农民种植农作物/蠕虫作为他们的主要收入来源),实验1发现较大的N400的非典型(蠕虫)比典型的对象(农作物)。实验二将客体典型性与非逻辑主名短语量词(大多数,少数)交叉。离线可解释性评级显示交叉互动预测的完整的量词解释:大多数农民种植作物和少数农民种植蠕虫被评为更合理的比大多数农民种植蠕虫和少数农民种植作物。物体N400 s虽然在预期的方向上被调制,但没有反转。实验3用副词量词重复了这些发现(农民经常/很少种植农作物/蠕虫)。因此,量词表达的解释既不是完全即时的,也不是完全滞后的。此外,对象的重复性与正面的缓慢积极性在少数类型/很少量词的情况下,表明量词类型之间的系统处理差异。
Event-related brain potentials were recorded during RSVP reading to test the hypothesis that quantifier expressions are incrementally interpreted fully and immediately. In sentences tapping general knowledge (Farmers grow crops/worms as their primary source of income), Experiment 1 found larger N400s for atypical (worms) than typical objects (crops). Experiment 2 crossed object typicality with non-logical subject-noun phrase quantifiers (most, few). Off-line plausibility ratings exhibited the crossover interaction predicted by full quantifier interpretation: Most farmers grow crops and Few farmers grow worms were rated more plausible than Most farmers grow worms and Few farmers grow crops. Object N400s, although modulated in the expected direction, did not reverse. Experiment 3 replicated these findings with adverbial quantifiers (Farmers often/rarely grow crops/worms). Interpretation of quantifier expressions thus is neither fully immediate nor fully delayed. Furthermore, object atypicality was associated with a frontal slow positivity in few-type/rarely quantifier contexts, suggesting systematic processing differences among quantifier types.
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发表时间: 2009-06
期刊: Cognitive science
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