Opaque and transparent datives, and how they behave in passives

Opaque and transparent datives, and how they behave in passives
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不透明与透明与格,以及它们在被动语态中的表现

DOI:
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发表时间:
2014
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
C. Sevdali
C. Sevdali
中科院分区:
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文献类型:
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作者:
A. Alexiadou;E. Anagnostopoulou;C. Sevdali

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在本文中,我们提供的证据的基础上,格交替被动支持的观点,与格是一个混合的情况。与格,还有其他情况,具有固有/词汇或结构的属性。我们提出了一个分析的与格,旨在占其混合状态内和跨语言。基于Escherizán(2008)关于同意题元相关格的不透明性与透明性的理论,结合关于m(形态学)格的格交替的(修改的)理论(Marantz 1991),我们提出与格论元是PP,不像双格论元是DP。作为短语中心语P的补语,与格DP对于外部探针(表示同意的语态或T)是不可见的。然而,在某些条件下,它们变得可见:当P上存在φ探针时,探测并传输嵌入其下方的DP的特征,或者当P并入Voice-v复合体时,提升PP的相位罩。我们认为,m-格在具有交替与格的语言的主动句和被动句中的实际分布是在PF成分处确定的,服从于Marantz(1991)提出的格实现选言层次。进入Agree的与格论元符合Marantz(1991)意义上的“依赖格”,而不是词汇支配格。最后,我们提出,关于与格交替发生的环境(被动与中间)的跨语言差异取决于进入与与格DP一致的φ-探针所在的中心:语态或v。
In this paper, we provide evidence based on case alternations in passives in favor of the view that dative is a mixed case. Dative, but also other cases, has the property of being either inherent/lexical or structural. We propose an analysis of datives aiming to account for their mixed status within and across languages. Building on Řezáč’s (2008) theory of opacity vs. transparency of theta-related case to Agree, combined with a (modified) theory of case alternations in terms of m(orphological)-case (Marantz 1991), we propose that dative arguments are PPs, unlike accusatives which are DPs. Being complements of the phasal head P, dative DPs are invisible to an outside probe, Voice or T, for Agree. Under certain conditions, however, they become visible: either when a φ-probe is present on P probing and transmitting the features of the DP embedded below it or when P incorporates into the Voice-v complex lifting the phase-hood of the PP. We argue that the actual distribution of m-cases in actives and passives of languages with alternating datives is determined at the PF component, subject to the case-realization disjunctive hierarchy proposed by Marantz (1991). A dative argument entering Agree qualifies as having ‘dependent case’ in the sense of Marantz (1991) and not as having lexically governed case. Finally, we propose that cross-linguistic differences concerning the environments where dative alternations happen (passives vs. middles) depend on the head where the φ-probe entering Agree with dative DPs is located: Voice or v.
德国人变得被动有多少获得感
DOI: 10.1075/la.205.06bad
发表时间: 2013
期刊:
影响因子: --
作者:
Markus ;Jana Häussler
通讯作者: Jana Häussler
非规范被动语态的三个“竞争”助动词
DOI: 10.1075/la.205.04len
发表时间: --
期刊:
影响因子: --
作者:
Alexandra N.
通讯作者: Alexandra N.