Temporal Shift Length and Antecedent Occurrence Likelihood Modulate Counterfactual Conditional Comprehension: Evidence from Event-Related Potentials.

Temporal Shift Length and Antecedent Occurrence Likelihood Modulate Counterfactual Conditional Comprehension: Evidence from Event-Related Potentials.
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DOI:
10.3390/brainsci13121724
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发表时间:
2023-12-17
期刊:
影响因子:
3.3
通讯作者:
--
中科院分区:
医学4区
文献类型:
--
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反事实条件句是指前提事件与现实相矛盾的假设情景。本研究考察了汉语反事实条件句(yaobushi,相当于英语中的if it had not been for)的加工难度是否以及如何受到事件跨分句时间移位长度和先行词出现可能性的影响。参与者阅读中文反事实,其中包含长(例如,Qunian-Xianzai [去年-现在])或短时间变化(例如,Zuotian-Xianzai [昨天-现在])在高度可能的范围内(例如,注册学校活动)或不太可能的上下文(例如,参加北极科学研究)。ERP结果显示,时间移位长度和先行词似然性在结果动词和句尾动词的时间指标上存在显著的N400交互作用。具体来说,不太可能的事件引起更大的负面比高度可能的事件与时间指标上的短时间变化。在“结束词”上,当先行词的可能性很高时,长时移比短时移引起更大的负性。这些发现有两个关键的影响,隐含的因果关系和虚假的限制在反事实理解的相互作用。首先,显著虚假性约束可以覆盖因果连贯性对加工的影响。第二,不太可能的前件更大的消极性表明,反事实标记同时激活事实和假设的表征。
Counterfactual conditionals posit hypothetical scenarios in which antecedent events contradict reality. This study examined whether and how the processing difficulty of Chinese counterfactual conditionals (yaobushi, equivalent to if it had not been for in English) can be affected by the length of temporal shifts of the events across clauses and the likelihood of the antecedent occurrence. Participants read Chinese counterfactuals that contained either long (e.g., qunian-xianzai [last year-right now]) or short temporal shifts (e.g., zuotian-xianzai [yesterday-right now]) within highly likely (e.g., sign up for school activity) or less likely contexts (e.g., sign up for Arctic scientific research). ERP results revealed a significant N400 interaction between the temporal shift length and antecedent likelihood on the temporal indicators in the consequent and the sentence-ending verbs. Specifically, the less likely events elicited larger negativity than highly likely events with short temporal shifts on the temporal indicator. On the sentence-ending word, the long temporal shift elicited enlarged negativity than the short temporal shift when the antecedent was highly likely. These findings have two key implications regarding the interplay of implied causality and falsity constraints during counterfactual comprehension. First, salient falsity constraints can override effects of causal coherence on processing. Second, greater negativity for unlikely antecedents suggests that counterfactual markers concurrently activate factual and hypothetical representations.
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