Bringing science to the study of ancient senses - archaeology and visual psychology
Bringing science to the study of ancient senses - archaeology and visual psychology
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将科学带入古代感官研究 - 考古学和视觉心理学
DOI：
10.1080/00438243.2020.1909932
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发表时间：
2021
影响因子：
1.3
通讯作者：
Pettitt P
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Pettitt P
视觉大脑在人类进化、感知、行为、身份和文化中的中心地位怎么强调都不过分。我们是以视觉为中心的生物：据估计，我们大脑皮层的一半以上用于观察世界，关于我们周围环境的80-90%的信息来自我们的眼睛（Snowden，Thompson和Troskiano 2012）。我们将世界体验为丰富的颜色（实际上来自物体反射或发射的光的波长），我们周围物体的颜色传达了关于它们的信息，这些信息可以被认为是进化上有利于作为昼夜动物进化的人类（Foley 1987）。例如，如果没有颜色，就很难区分成熟的和未成熟的水果，可食用的叶子和死去的叶子，或者猎物和它们的背景景观。虽然照明的差异会影响颜色的色调，饱和度和亮度，但它并不妨碍基本颜色的识别，即使分类系统可能差异很大，基本颜色也保持不变（Jameson和Hurvich 1989，7）。Baines 1985古埃及颜色分类）。但是，人类的大脑在哪里停止，考古学家可用的物质记录开始呢？本书的目的是阐明将两个看似对立的学科（一个来自艺术，一个来自科学）结合起来的成果，从理论上推进和实证检验迄今被认为是不可检验的概念。这样一个事业依赖于这样一个假设，即人类大脑的工作至少在某种程度上是可预测的，并且与大脑与世界互动的方式的有形表达有关。我们不需要采取科学决定论的立场来证明这一点;心理学家已经证明了我们看待世界的方式来自我们大脑进化的方式。这里的一个关键点是，不可能从到达眼睛的信息中100%确定地估计世界上物体的属性;视觉系统应用各种经验法则来达到这样的估计，但在某些情况下，这些经验法则背后的假设并不成立，因此我们的感知是“错误的”。这些技巧不是有意识的、反思的过程;它们是无意识和自动地应用的。由于可以看到类似的记忆力控制着动物的视觉决定，因此可以公平地假设这些记忆力在我们祖先的视觉系统中起作用。虽然在社会科学中这样说可能不流行，但我们经常受到大脑的限制，甚至误导，有时甚至达到了惊人的程度。举一个现代西方的例子，看看CGI广告中人类动物的压倒性优势：动物被赋予了令人难忘的拟人化旋转，如贵族猫鼬和带有北方英语口音的友好斗牛犬，可以证明它们比人类同行更能成功地推销产品（McCutchen 2005; Spears and Germain 2007）。会说话的动物几乎出现在所有票房最高的动画电影中（https：//en。Wikipedia. org/wiki/List_of_highestgrossing_animated_films）.我们习惯于从动物身上获得相当大的心理安慰和快乐，这一事实很容易被用来在视觉领域操纵我们。
One cannot overemphasize the centrality of the visual brain to human evolution, perception, behaviour, identity and culture. We are visually-centric beings: it is estimated that more than half of our cerebral cortex is dedicated to seeing the world, and 80–90% of information about our surroundings derives from our eyes (Snowden, Thompson, and Troskiano 2012). We experience the world as an abundance of colour (in reality derived from the wavelengths of light reflected or emitted by objects), and the colour of the objects around us conveys information about them that can be considered to have been evolutionarily advantageous to humans who evolved as diurnal animals (Foley 1987). Without colour, for example, it is difficult to discern ripe from unripe fruit, edible leaves from dead ones, or prey animals from their background landscape. Although differences in illumination will affect the hue, saturation and brightness of colours, it does not prevent the identification of basic colours, which remain constant (Jameson and Hurvich 1989, 7) even if classificatory systems can differ widely (cf. Baines 1985 for ancient Egyptian colour classification). But where does the human brain stop and the material record available to archaeologists begin? The aim of this volume is to illuminate the fruitfulness of combining two seemingly opposing disciplines, one from the arts, one from the sciences, to theoretically advance and empirically examine concepts hitherto thought to be untestable. Such an undertaking relies on the assumption that the workings of the human brain are to some extent at least predictable, and are relatable to tangible expressions of the way the brain interacts with the world. We do not need to take a scientifically deterministic stance in order to justify this; psychologists have demonstrated a number of ways in which the way we see the world derives from the way our brains have evolved. A key point here is that it is not possible to estimate the properties of objects in the world with 100% certainty from the information that reaches the eyes; the visual system applies various heuristics–rules of thumb–to arrive at such estimates, but in some circumstances the assumptions behind these heuristics do not hold and so our percepts are therefore in ‘error’. These heuristics are not conscious, reflective processes; they are applied unconsciously and automatically. As similar heuristics can be seen governing the visual decisions of animals it is fair to assume that those heuristics operated in the visual systems of our ancestors. While it may be unfashionable in the social sciences to say so, we are often constrained and even misled by our brains, sometimes to a remarkable extent. To take an example from the modern west, just look at the overwhelming dominance of human-like animals in CGI advertising: animals that have been given a memorable anthropomorphic spin such as aristocratic meercats and friendly bulldogs with northern English accents are demonstrably able to market products far more successfully than their human counterparts (McCutchen 2005; Spears and Germain 2007). Talking animals feature in almost all of the highest-grossing animated films (https://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/List_of_highestgrossing_animated_films). The fact that we are conditioned to draw considerable psychological comfort and pleasure from animals can quite easily be used to manipulate us in the visual realm.
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