African-Caribbean women interrogating diaspora/post-diaspora
African-Caribbean women interrogating diaspora/post-diaspora
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审问侨民/侨民后的非洲裔加勒比妇女
DOI:
10.1080/17528631.2020.1740471
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发表时间:
2020
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
Scafe S
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文献类型:
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作者:
Scafe S
Suzanne Scafe a and Leith Dunn b bLondon South Bank University, London, UK; bInstitute for Gender and Development Studies, Jamaica, West IndiesFrom the post-emancipation period to the present-day, migration from and frequently return to the Caribbean has been a defining feature of the region and has shaped its economic and social structures, personal and domestic relations and the production and consumption of culture. As Mary Chamberlain argues,‘Caribbean culture engages necessarily with migration and with a migratory imagination’(Chamberlain 2002, 7–8); its cultures are creolized or ‘supersyncretic’, and characterized by plurality, complexity and instability (Benítez-Rojo 1992, 46). However, as Stuart Hall reminds us, this process of creolization and the production of hybrid peoples and cultures was born out of violence:‘Far from being continuous with our pasts, our relation to that history is marked by the most horrendous, violent, abrupt ruptural breaks’(Hall 2019a, 210). The distinctively globalized character of Caribbean culture is thus born out of a history of violent breakage and loss, reflected in the uneven and often messy meeting of diasporas within the territories of the Caribbean. The relationship of the Caribbean to its global diasporas is, therefore, a further, and more complexly layered iteration of diasporic peoples and cultures. As several studies demonstrate, the experience of migration, settlement, community formation, re-migration and return, depends both on the socio-economic contexts to which migrants move and their status in the homeland (Foner 2002; Horst 2007; Gentles-Peart and Hall 2012), as well as on the gender identities of the migrating population. Foner’s work illustrates the importance of the ‘social and cultural context of incorporation’, arguing that it is ‘undoubtedly the most important factor accounting for differences in the Caribbean immigrant experience’(56). She emphasises the value of a comparative approach across both nations and cities using, among others, the example of Haitian migrants’ contrasting diasporic experiences in New York and Miami, a contrast to which Amber Lascelles’ contribution to this Special Issue also alludes. The character and quality of the migratory experience is also affected by historical entanglements and geographical relations. Britain’s leading role in the slave trade, in the formation of slave societies, in processes of indentureship and in the establishment of British colonial societies in the Caribbean inevitably led to the construction of Britain, in relation to its colonies, as the social, political and cultural centre or ‘home’. Several writers who arrived in Britain in the 1950s and ‘60s have described this centre-periphery entanglement as a kind of splitting, or as the experience, on arriving in Britain, of being a ‘familiar stranger’(Morley 2019, 2). This familiarity is produced by the effect of having a greater understanding and knowledge of British history, its culture and institutions,
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