Amahuaca ergative as agreement with multiple heads

Amahuaca ergative as agreement with multiple heads
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Amahuaca 作格表示与多个负责人的协议

DOI:
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发表时间:
2018
影响因子:
1.3
通讯作者:
Emily Clem
Emily Clem
中科院分区:
人文科学1区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Emily Clem

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作格分配的机制长期以来一直存在争议,其中内在作格理论和依赖作格理论是两种最突出的观点。本文介绍了新的数据从帕诺亚语言Amahuaca,其中作格是敏感的及物主语的位置。运动和形态的情况下分配在Amahuaca的相互作用,不能很容易地捕捉到目前固有的或依赖的情况下理论。相反,我认为,作为解释协议与多个功能头(特别是V和T)的作格情况下的观点是能够占Amahuaca数据,同时纳入关键的见解,从固有的和依赖的情况下作格理论。我进一步证明,这种方法,需要的情况下是指数的多个功能是能够扩展到占元素的语言的大小写敏感的开关参考系统,以及其焦点敏感的主格标记。因此,Amahuaca的数据表明,作格可以被视为一个特征束,而不是一个单一的情况下的功能,和形态作格标记出现的指数之间的结构关系的多个中心语和名词。
The mechanisms underlying ergative case assignment have long been debated, with inherent and dependent theories of ergative case emerging as two of the most prominent views. This paper presents novel data from the Panoan language Amahuaca, in which ergative case is sensitive to the position of the transitive subject. The interaction of movement and morphological case assignment in Amahuaca cannot easily be captured by current inherent or dependent case theories. Instead, I argue that a view of ergative case as exponing agreement with multiple functional heads (specifically v and T) is able to account for the Amahuaca data, while incorporating key insights from both inherent and dependent case theories of ergativity. I further demonstrate that this approach that takes case to be the exponence of multiple features is able to be extended to account for elements of the language’s case-sensitive switch-reference system as well as its focus-sensitive nominative marking. The Amahuaca data thus suggest that ergative case can be viewed as a feature bundle, rather than a single case feature, and that morphological ergative marking arises as the exponence of structural relationships between multiple heads and a nominal.
作格移动得太早:论语法中的不透明性实例
DOI: 10.1111/synt.12034
发表时间: 2015
期刊: Syntax
影响因子: --
作者:
Assmann;D. Georgi;F. Heck;G. Müller ;P. Weisser
通讯作者: P. Weisser
DOI: 10.1162/ling_a_00153
发表时间: 2014
期刊: Linguistic Inquiry
影响因子: 1.6
作者:
Biberauer T
通讯作者: Biberauer T