Doctoral Dissertation Research: Refugees and Citizens: Political Conflict and Social Organization

博士论文研究：难民与公民：政治冲突与社会组织

• 批准号: 0826614
• 负责人: Loic Wacquant
• 金额: $ 0.75万
• 依托单位: University of California-Berkeley
• 依托单位国家: 美国
• 项目类别: Standard Grant
• 财政年份: 2008
• 资助国家: 美国
• 起止时间: 2008-09-01 至 2009-08-31
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://www.nsf.gov/awardsearch/showAward?AWD_ID=0826614&HistoricalAwards=false
• 关键词: Doctoral; Dissertation; Research; Refugees; Citizens

PI and co-PI: Loic Wacquant and Silvia PasquettiInstitution: University of California, BerkeleyTitle: Doctoral Dissertation Research: Refugees and Citizens: Subaltern Politics and Social Organization in West Bank Camps and Israeli Cities0826614AbstractThis dissertation investigates how spatial constraints and legal statuses combine to shape social organization and collective self-identification within subproletarian populations. This dissertation is a comparative ethnographic study of subaltern politics under two different spatial-legal contexts: a Palestinian refugee camp in the West Bank (Jalazon camp) and an Israeli Arab minority neighborhood (in the Israeli city of Lod). A main research question animates this research: What form of politics prevails in West Bank refugee camps? How does it differ from local politics in Arab minority neighborhoods inside Israel? Why does it differ? A main hypothesis guides this research: despite many similarities in class, religious and cultural terms, camp dwellers and urban minorities radically differ in their collective organizing and their collective self-identification. This overarching hypothesis can be divided into several hypotheses: H1) West Bank camps have more in-site associations and centers than Israeli Arab urban neighborhoods; H2) camp associations and centers provide a high level of internal organization but re-produce internal divisions as they tend to be captured by political factions or extended families; H3) camp dwellers perceive themselves as national actors engaged into a collective struggle for recognition; H4) Palestinian urban minorities remain at the margins of the association-building process around which Arab nationalist elites inside Israel organize; and H5) Arab urban minorities do not speak the language of national self-determination, but, rather, they protest the state policies that criminalize their neighborhoods. This dissertation utilizes three main methodological components: a) participant observation of the daily interactions between local administrators and local populations both within institutional sites and in the streets; b) oral histories with the local populations; and c) formal interviews with the in-site and out-of-site administrators. This project advances a relational approach to the effects of state spatial and legal constraints: the genesis and rationale of these policies, their local implementation, and the practices of the subject populations within their daily surroundings. It also strives to clarify the conditions under which a high level of internal organization within a poor community translates into actual collective efficacy. Broader impacts of this research include: disaggregating the category of ?the subalterns? and showing how their engagement into politics is not limited to individual exit or mob-like reactions; contributing to building bridges among scholars of sociology, geography, law and post-colonial studies; and enhancing public understanding of Arab marginalized communities, which are often portrayed as violent masses.

作者：Loic Wacquant and Silvia pasqueti机构：加州大学伯克利分校标题：博士论文研究：难民与公民：约旦河西岸难民营和以色列城市中的次等政治和社会组织[0826614]摘要本文研究了空间约束和法律地位如何结合在一起塑造了次无产阶级人口中的社会组织和集体自我认同。本文是在两种不同的空间-法律背景下对下层政治的比较民族志研究：西岸的巴勒斯坦难民营（Jalazon难民营）和以色列阿拉伯少数民族社区（以色列城市Lod）。一个主要的研究问题激发了这项研究：在约旦河西岸的难民营中，什么形式的政治盛行？它与以色列境内阿拉伯少数民族社区的地方政治有何不同？为什么会有不同？指导这项研究的一个主要假设是：尽管在阶级、宗教和文化方面有许多相似之处，但营地居民和城市少数民族在集体组织和集体自我认同方面存在根本差异。这个总体假设可以分为几个假设：H1)西岸营地比以色列阿拉伯城市社区有更多的现场协会和中心；H2)营地协会和中心提供了高水平的内部组织，但又产生了内部分裂，因为它们容易被政治派别或大家庭所控制；H3)营地居民认为自己是参与集体争取认可斗争的国家行动者；H4)巴勒斯坦城市少数民族仍然处于以色列内部阿拉伯民族主义精英组织的联合建设进程的边缘；阿拉伯城市的少数民族不讲民族自决的语言，相反，他们抗议将他们的社区定为犯罪的国家政策。本论文采用了三个主要的方法论组成部分：a)参与观察地方管理者和当地居民在机构场所和街道上的日常互动；B)与当地居民的口述历史；c)与现场和场外管理人员的正式面谈。该项目提出了一种关系方法来研究国家空间和法律约束的影响：这些政策的起源和基本原理，它们在当地的实施，以及主题人群在日常环境中的实践。它还努力澄清贫穷社区内的高水平内部组织转化为实际集体效能的条件。本研究更广泛的影响包括：分类？中尉?并表明他们对政治的参与并不局限于个人退出或暴民般的反应；在社会学、地理学、法学和后殖民研究学者之间建立桥梁；加强公众对阿拉伯边缘化社区的理解，这些社区经常被描绘成暴力群众。