Nuclear Weapons and Japan : Atomic policies of the Kishi Administration, 1957-1960
核武器与日本:岸信介政府的原子政策,1957-1960
基本信息
- 批准号:13620084
- 负责人:
- 金额:$ 1.34万
- 依托单位:
- 依托单位国家:日本
- 项目类别:Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C)
- 财政年份:2001
- 资助国家:日本
- 起止时间:2001 至 2002
- 项目状态:已结题
- 来源:
- 关键词:
项目摘要
This project deals with the role of nuclear weapons in Japan's post war foreign relations and domestic politics during the period of the Kishi administration from 1957 to 1960. Careful empirical and historical investigations based upon close examinations of the diplomatic documents declassified in Britain and the United States suggest that the Kishi administration adopted complicated policies of ambivalent nature. Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke supported openly the movements in Japan against nuclear tests conducted by the US, Britain and the Soviet Union., but at the same time, he clearly advocated Japan's future possession of nuclear weapons within the framework of the peaceful constitution. While he seemed aware that it would be impossible for her to produce or possess strategic nuclear forces, it was clear that Kishi paid much attention to small size tactical nuclear weapons, which he sometimes called 'clean nuclear weapons'. This ambivalence was kept coherent within his policy formu … More la, because his most significant political aim was to complete Japan's independence. For the purpose, it was essential to mobilize some nationalist sentiments in Japanese anti-nuclear public opinion. But at the same time, possessing tactical nuclear weapons must have been supposed to reduce Japan's military dependence upon the United States. Another finding was that the Japanese government was not at all sincere or genuine in protesting against the nuclear tests conducted by the US and Britain. During the Kishi period, the government conveyed several times the resolutions passed in the diet which requested the Americans and the British to atop the tests in 1957. But even Kishi himself stated just before a British nuclear test in the Christmas islands that Japan could possess nuclear weapons without violating Article 9 of the constitution. Moreover the Japanese diplomats who actually handed the protests to the opposite numbers in Washington or London, usually saying that they should not take those protests seriously. It was natural that the US and British officials did not paid much attention to the Japanese protests movements which they did not regard genuine or sincere. Finally, the Anglo-Japanese negotiations for atomic energy cooperation during the late 1950s seem to have taken a very significant role in the policy conception held by the Japanese pro-nuclear leaders. Though the Americans could prevent the Japanese from even trying to produce their own nuclear weapons by controlling the amount of enriched uranium to supply the Japanese, they could expect to have certain amount of plutonium from the British Calder Hall type reactor. As the result of the Anglo-Japanese negotiations, the Japanese finally purchased the Calder Hall reactor from Britain knowing that the reactor was for civilian and military purposes. It is rather natural to assume that the Japanese leaders could search a way to make their country nuclearized in military terms Less
该项目涉及1957年至1960年岸信介政府时期核武器在日本战后外交关系和国内政治中的作用。基于对英国和美国解密的外交文件的仔细研究,仔细的经验和历史调查表明,岸信介政府采取了复杂的矛盾政策。岸信介首相公开支持日本国内反对美、英、苏核试验的运动,但同时又明确主张日本在和平宪法的框架下,未来拥有核武器。虽然他似乎知道她不可能生产或拥有战略核力量,但很明显,岸信介非常关注小型战术核武器,他有时称之为“清洁核武器”。这种矛盾心理在他的政策纲领中保持了连贯性。 ...更多信息 因为他最重要的政治目标是完成日本的独立。为此,必须调动日本反核舆论中的一些民族主义情绪。但与此同时,拥有战术核武器肯定是为了减少日本对美国的军事依赖。另一个发现是,日本政府对美、英进行核试验的抗议根本没有诚意和诚意。在岸信介时期,政府多次传达了国会通过的决议,要求美国和英国在1957年进行核试验。但就在英国在圣诞岛进行核试验之前,岸信介本人也表示,日本可以在不违反宪法第9条的情况下拥有核武器。此外,实际上将抗议交给华盛顿或伦敦相反数字的日本外交官通常表示,他们不应该认真对待这些抗议。当然,美国和英国官员对日本的抗议运动不太重视,因为他们认为这些抗议运动不是真正的或真诚的。最后,20世纪50年代后期的英日原子能合作谈判似乎在日本亲核领导人的政策构想中发挥了非常重要的作用。虽然美国人可以通过控制供应日本的浓缩铀数量来阻止日本甚至试图生产自己的核武器,但他们可以期望从英国考尔德霍尔型反应堆中获得一定数量的钚。经过英日谈判,日本最终从英国购买了卡尔德霍尔反应堆,知道该反应堆用于民用和军用目的。人们很自然地认为,日本领导人可以找到一种方法,使他们的国家在军事上实现核化。
项目成果
期刊论文数量(4)
专著数量(0)
科研奖励数量(0)
会议论文数量(0)
专利数量(0)
田中孝彦: "9.11テロと世界秩序における抑圧の構図"法律時報. 74(6). 32-38 (2002)
Takahiko Tanaka:“9/11 恐怖主义与世界秩序中的镇压结构”《法律时报》74(6) (2002)。
- DOI:
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- 影响因子:0
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- 通讯作者:
Tanaka Takahiko: "Beyond the Violation of Humanity : the Structure of Oppression in the World Order and 9.11"Horitsu Jiho, May. vol,74(6). 32-38 (2002)
田中隆彦:“超越对人性的侵犯:世界秩序中的压迫结构和 9.11”Horitsu Jiho,5 月。
- DOI:
- 发表时间:
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- 影响因子:0
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- 通讯作者:
田中孝彦: "幻想としての『帝国』-アメリカによる優位の再編-"論座. 4月号. 98-105 (2003)
田中隆彦:“‘帝国’作为一种幻想——美国统治地位的重组——”Ronza 四月号(2003 年)。
- DOI:
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- 影响因子:0
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田中孝彦: "「冷戦史研究の再検討-グローバル・ヒストリーの構築に向けて-」(『変動期における法と国際関係』一橋大学法学部創立50周年記念論文集刊行会編所収)"有斐閣. 570(523-546) (2001)
田中贵彦:《冷战史研究的再审视——迈向全球历史的建构》(收录于《变革时代的法律与国际关系》一桥大学法学部50周年纪念文集出版协会编) Yuhikaku 570(523) -546) (2001)
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- 影响因子:0
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TANAKA Takehiko其他文献
TANAKA Takehiko的其他文献
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{{ truncateString('TANAKA Takehiko', 18)}}的其他基金
Doppler-free infrared spectroscopy by opto-thermal detection
通过光热检测的无多普勒红外光谱
- 批准号:
12440167 - 财政年份:2000
- 资助金额:
$ 1.34万 - 项目类别:
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B)
The study of reactions of free radicals by time-resolved infrared semiconductor laser spectroscopy
时间分辨红外半导体激光光谱研究自由基反应
- 批准号:
07454152 - 财政年份:1995
- 资助金额:
$ 1.34万 - 项目类别:
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B)
Regulatory mechanisms of gene expression of pyruvate kinase isozymes
丙酮酸激酶同工酶基因表达的调控机制
- 批准号:
63480125 - 财政年份:1988
- 资助金额:
$ 1.34万 - 项目类别:
Grant-in-Aid for General Scientific Research (B)
Regulatory mechanisms of gene expression of hepatic enzyme by insulin and fructose
胰岛素和果糖对肝酶基因表达的调控机制
- 批准号:
60480499 - 财政年份:1985
- 资助金额:
$ 1.34万 - 项目类别:
Grant-in-Aid for General Scientific Research (B)
相似海外基金
Historical analysis of the postwar Japanese politics based on the diary of Kishi Nobusuke and other sources
基于岸信介日记等资料对战后日本政治的历史分析
- 批准号:
19530093 - 财政年份:2007
- 资助金额:
$ 1.34万 - 项目类别:
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C)