The Progress of Socio-economic Class Differentiation and the Historical Development of Empowerment in the U.S. Latino Society

美国的拉美裔人口一直在增加，部分原因是这些历史事件：墨西哥革命(1911年)、布雷塞罗计划(1942年-)、古巴革命(1959年)、中美洲的冲突(20世纪70年代末至80年代)、北美自由贸易协定(1994年)的生效等。随着人口的增长，美国拉美裔社区日益分化为一些社会经济层面，他们的政治态度也变得相当多样化。在这次联合研究中，我们三人对这些变化的实际情况进行了一些调查和分析。在对洛杉矶县一些拉丁裔居民的调查中，我们试图找出洛杉矶两个地区中产阶级和工人阶级的政治态度有何不同。县市唐尼和贝尔，这两个城市最近越来越多地以拉丁裔为主。…此外，我们得出的结果是，在外国出生的拉美裔美国人中，中产阶级在美国生活的时间更长，这可能表明他们普遍认可的社会经济流动模式：在美国生活更长时间并更好地适应美国社会后，获得中产阶级地位。此外，中产阶级对选举和非选举政治更多的参与和更大的兴趣可以被认为或多或少与只有美国公民才有权登记投票的法律规则以及他们参与政治的时间长短有关。至于他们对拟议中的移民法修正案的看法，拉美裔中产阶级更有可能主张更严厉的措施，反对更宽松的措施。另一方面，主要生活在佛罗里达州的古巴移民的政治倾向自20世纪90年代末以来出现了明显的多元化趋势。考虑到背后的因素，可以发现他们的政治偏好与他们进入美国的年份之间存在一定的关系，而不是他们的政治偏好与他们的年龄之间存在一定的关系。近年来，美国的古巴社会大致分为两派：老派和新移民派，前者主要由迈阿密的老一辈人组成，后者造就了今天的迈阿密；后者自上世纪90年代以来来到这里。正如这一变化中的主要因素可以指出的那样，两个群体的价值观之间的一些日益扩大的差异，包括他们对古巴革命的评价，前者动员和统一政治权力的削弱，后者尽管学术背景相对较高，但在攀登社会经济阶梯方面往往面临困难，等等

The population of Latinos in the United States has been on the increase, partly stimulated by those historical incidents: the Mexican Revolution (1911), the Bracero Program (1942-64), the Cuban Revolution (1959), the Conflicts in Central America (the late 1970s to the 1980s), the Effectuation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (1994), etc. With their population growth, the U.S. Latino community is becoming increasingly differentiated into some socio-economic levels, and then their political attitudes can be found considerably diversified. In this joint research, three of us have made some investigations into and analyses of the actual conditions of those changes.In the survey on some of the Latino residents in Los Angeles County, most of whom are Mexican-origin, we have tried to find out how the political attitudes of the middle class differ from those of the working class in two of the LA. County cities, Downey and Bell, which have recently been more and more Latino-dominated. … More Then, we have got a result that, in the case of foreign-born Latinos, the middle class have lived in the United States longer, which could show their widely-recognized socio-economic mobility patterns : to attain their middle-class statuses after having lived in the U.S. longer and got the more accommodated to the U.S. society. Also, the result that the middle class are more involved and more interested in both electoral and non-electoral politics can be thought to be more or less related to the legal rules that only the U.S. citizens have the right to register to vote and to the amount of time available for them to participate in politics. As to their opinions on the proposed amendment of the immigration law, the middle-class Latinos have turned out to be more likely to argue for the more punitive measures and against the more lenient measures.On the other hand, the political inclinations of the Cuban immigrants, living mainly in Florida, have had a marked tendency toward diversification since the late 1990s. Considering the factors behind it, a certain relationship can be found between their political preferences and their year of entry to the U.S. rather than between their political preferences and their ages. In recent years, the U.S. Cuban society has been broadly divided into two : the Old Circle, composed mostly of the older generation who have made Miami what it is today, and the New Immigrant Group, who have arrived there since the 1990s. As chief factors in this change can be pointed out some widening difference between both groups'values including their evaluations of the Cuban Revolution, the weakening of the former group's mobilizing and unifying political powers, the difficulties that the latter tend to face in climbing the socio-economic ladder in spite of their relatively advanced academic backgrounds, etc. Less