The Progress of Socio-economic Class Differentiation and the Historical Development of Empowerment in the U.S. Latino Society

美国的拉美裔人口一直在增加，部分原因是这些历史事件：墨西哥革命（1911年）、布拉塞罗计划（1942年至1964年）、古巴革命（1959年）、中美洲冲突（20世纪70年代末至80年代）、北美自由贸易协定的生效（1994年）等。随着人口的增长，美国拉丁裔社区的社会经济分化程度越来越高，政治态度也呈现出相当大的多样性。在这次联合研究中，我们三人对这些变化的实际情况进行了一些调查和分析。在对洛杉矶县的一些拉丁裔居民（其中大多数是墨西哥裔）的调查中，我们试图找出洛杉矶两个地区中产阶级和工人阶级的政治态度有何不同。县城市，唐尼和贝尔，最近越来越多的拉丁裔占主导地位。然后，我们得到的结果是，就外国出生的拉丁裔而言，中产阶级在美国生活的时间更长，这可以显示出他们被广泛认可的社会经济流动模式：在美国生活更长时间后达到中产阶级地位，并更适应美国社会。此外，中产阶级对选举和非选举政治的参与度和兴趣都更高，这一结果可以被认为或多或少与只有美国公民有权登记投票的法律规定以及他们参与政治的时间有关。至于他们对拟议的移民法修正案的意见，中产阶级拉丁美洲人更有可能主张采取更严厉的措施，反对采取更宽松的措施。另一方面，主要居住在佛罗里达州的古巴移民的政治倾向自1990年代末以来有明显的多样化趋势。考虑到其背后的因素，他们的政治偏好与他们进入美国的年份之间存在一定的关系，而不是他们的政治偏好与年龄之间的关系。近年来，美国古巴社会大致分为两个群体：老派群体（Old Circle）和新移民群体（New Immigrant Group），前者主要由造就迈阿密今天的老一辈人组成，后者自上世纪90年代以来就来到这里。这一变化的主要因素可以指出，两个群体之间的价值观差异越来越大，包括他们对古巴革命的评价，前一个群体动员和统一政治权力的能力减弱，后一个群体尽管拥有相对先进的学术背景，但在攀登社会经济阶梯时往往面临困难，等等。少

The population of Latinos in the United States has been on the increase, partly stimulated by those historical incidents: the Mexican Revolution (1911), the Bracero Program (1942-64), the Cuban Revolution (1959), the Conflicts in Central America (the late 1970s to the 1980s), the Effectuation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (1994), etc. With their population growth, the U.S. Latino community is becoming increasingly differentiated into some socio-economic levels, and then their political attitudes can be found considerably diversified. In this joint research, three of us have made some investigations into and analyses of the actual conditions of those changes.In the survey on some of the Latino residents in Los Angeles County, most of whom are Mexican-origin, we have tried to find out how the political attitudes of the middle class differ from those of the working class in two of the LA. County cities, Downey and Bell, which have recently been more and more Latino-dominated. … More Then, we have got a result that, in the case of foreign-born Latinos, the middle class have lived in the United States longer, which could show their widely-recognized socio-economic mobility patterns : to attain their middle-class statuses after having lived in the U.S. longer and got the more accommodated to the U.S. society. Also, the result that the middle class are more involved and more interested in both electoral and non-electoral politics can be thought to be more or less related to the legal rules that only the U.S. citizens have the right to register to vote and to the amount of time available for them to participate in politics. As to their opinions on the proposed amendment of the immigration law, the middle-class Latinos have turned out to be more likely to argue for the more punitive measures and against the more lenient measures.On the other hand, the political inclinations of the Cuban immigrants, living mainly in Florida, have had a marked tendency toward diversification since the late 1990s. Considering the factors behind it, a certain relationship can be found between their political preferences and their year of entry to the U.S. rather than between their political preferences and their ages. In recent years, the U.S. Cuban society has been broadly divided into two : the Old Circle, composed mostly of the older generation who have made Miami what it is today, and the New Immigrant Group, who have arrived there since the 1990s. As chief factors in this change can be pointed out some widening difference between both groups'values including their evaluations of the Cuban Revolution, the weakening of the former group's mobilizing and unifying political powers, the difficulties that the latter tend to face in climbing the socio-economic ladder in spite of their relatively advanced academic backgrounds, etc. Less