New Perspectives on the Algerian War 1954 - 1962

1954 - 1962 年阿尔及利亚战争的新视角

• 批准号: AH/G007357/1
• 负责人: Martin Evans
• 金额: $ 3.98万
• 依托单位: University of Portsmouth
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Research Grant
• 财政年份: 2009
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2009 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=AH%2FG007357%2F1
• 关键词: New; Perspectives; Algerian; War; 1954

The Algerian War 1954 to 1962 was one of the most violent and protracted episodes on the decolonisation process. In large part this is explained by the depth and duration of French colonialism, unique in the Arab world, whereby Algeria was annexed as an integral part of France with one million settlers co-existing uneasily with nine million Muslims by 1954. This specificity explains the surge of research interest in the area and without the perspectives of Branche on torture, Thénault on justice, Harbi and Meynier on the National Liberation Front (FLN) and Stora on memory this project would not be possible. However, my study advances our understanding because it puts the Socialist-led Republican Front, in power between January 1956 and May 1957, at the centre of the conflict. It analyses in detail why the Republican Front decided to dramatically intensify the war by pouring financial and military resources into reforming Algeria and defeating the FLN. This commitment to Algeria was motivated by anxieties about great power status. Victory over the FLN was seen to be vital for future standing on the world stage. It would not only secure oil and gas resources, but also renew France's universal civilising mission in the face of perceived threats from Arab nationalism, Soviet communism and rival Anglo-Saxon imperialisms. A reformed Algeria would be the pivot in a humanist empire from Paris to Brazzaville: an international third way that dovetailed with support for socialist Israel and a belief in European unity. It was also powered by the notion that it was possible to find a middle way between settler extremism and FLN nationalism. So, Muslim emancipation was about the expansion of individual equality and educational opportunities. It was about providing health care for the ordinary population, above all women. It was about bringing robust republican government to the remote regions that would end discrimination and poverty. Significantly too, the Republican Front approached the Algerian problem in terms of religious tolerance. France's role was to create a fraternal, pluralistic society that brought together the three faith communities - Christianity, Islam and Judaism - under the Fourth Republic's progressive umbrella. This vision of mutual respect was then contrasted with the FLN's destructive terrorism. Surprisingly there has been little detailed analysis of this welfare colonialism. The language of reconciliation and reform has been underestimated, whilst key figures, like Marcel Champeix, the Minister of Algerian Affairs, have been ignored. Thus, by relocating the Republican Front's political and military choices at the core of the unfolding dynamic of the Algerian War, this study will offer new source material and a revision of orthodox views. In particular it will show that the FLN's strategy was directed first and foremost against humanist colonialism. Through violence the FLN set out to polarise attitudes. It aimed to destroy any possible third way that posed an alternative to national independence. In this way it is too simplistic to think of the Algerian War as coloniser versus colonised. Rather the conflict must be thought of as a complex dynamic that drew in a range of actors including, crucially, the French state. So, in 1956 the Republican Front committed huge resources to integrating Algeria into France. In contrast, by 1962 de Gaulle, in the face of protracted FLN violence, supported independence because such integration was too costly and blocked his wider plans for national renewal. The monograph is divided into three parts entitled Origins, War and Consequences that will guide the reader to the key issues. As the case for support demonstrates, the book's coherence is to be found in a clear chronological framework that analyses colonialism, Algerian nationalism, the Republican Front and the impact of war on civilian populations.

1954年至1962年的阿尔及利亚战争是非殖民化进程中最暴力和旷日持久的事件之一。在很大程度上，这是由于法国殖民主义的深度和持续时间，这在阿拉伯世界是独一无二的，阿尔及利亚作为法国的一个组成部分被吞并，到1954年，有100万定居者与900万穆斯林不安地共存。这种特殊性解释了对这一领域研究兴趣的激增，如果没有布兰奇关于酷刑、泰诺关于司法、哈比和梅尼尔关于民族解放阵线以及斯托拉关于记忆的观点，这个项目就不可能实现。然而，我的研究推进了我们的理解，因为它将1956年1月至1957年5月执政的社会党领导的共和阵线置于冲突的中心。它详细分析了为什么共和阵线决定通过投入财政和军事资源来改革阿尔及利亚并击败FLN来急剧加剧战争。这种对阿尔及利亚的承诺是出于对大国地位的焦虑。对民族解放阵线的胜利被认为对未来在世界舞台上的地位至关重要。它不仅能确保石油和天然气资源，还能在阿拉伯民族主义、苏联共产主义和盎格鲁-撒克逊帝国主义的威胁面前，重振法国的普世文明使命。改革后的阿尔及利亚将成为从巴黎到布拉柴维尔的人文主义帝国的支点：一条国际第三条道路，以支持社会主义的以色列和对欧洲统一的信念为结尾。它还受到这样一种观念的推动，即有可能在定居者极端主义和民族解放阵线民族主义之间找到一条中间道路。所以，穆斯林解放是关于个人平等和教育机会的扩大。它涉及为普通民众，尤其是妇女提供保健。它是关于把强大的共和国政府带到偏远地区，结束歧视和贫困。同样重要的是，共和阵线从宗教宽容的角度处理阿尔及利亚问题。法国的作用是建立一个兄弟般的多元社会，在第四共和国的进步保护伞下将三个信仰社区-基督教，伊斯兰教和犹太教-聚集在一起。这一相互尊重的愿景随后与民族解放阵线的破坏性恐怖主义形成对比。令人惊讶的是，几乎没有对这种福利殖民主义的详细分析。和解和改革的语言被低估了，而阿尔及利亚事务部长马塞尔·尚佩等关键人物却被忽视了。因此，通过重新定位共和阵线的政治和军事选择的核心展开动态的阿尔及利亚战争，本研究将提供新的源材料和正统的观点的修订。特别是，它将表明，民族解放阵线的战略首先是针对人道主义殖民主义的。通过暴力，民族解放阵线开始分化人们的态度。它旨在摧毁任何可能替代民族独立的第三条道路。 因此，把阿尔及利亚战争看作是殖民者对被殖民者的战争未免过于简单化。相反，这场冲突必须被认为是一个复杂的动态过程，它吸引了一系列的参与者，其中至关重要的是法国政府。因此，1956年，共和阵线投入大量资源将阿尔及利亚并入法国。相比之下，到1962年，面对旷日持久的民族解放阵线暴力，戴高乐支持独立，因为这样的整合成本太高，阻碍了他更广泛的国家复兴计划。该专著分为三个部分，题为起源，战争和后果，将引导读者的关键问题。正如支持的案例所表明的那样，这本书的连贯性可以在一个明确的时间框架中找到，该框架分析了殖民主义、阿尔及利亚民族主义、共和国阵线以及战争对平民的影响。