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Exit, Voice or Accommodation?: white working-class responses to ethnic change in Britain

退出、声音还是迁就？：白人工人阶级对英国种族变革的反应

基本信息

批准号：
ES/K003895/1
负责人：
Eric Kaufmann
金额：
$ 20.11万
依托单位：
Birkbeck, University of London
依托单位国家：
英国
项目类别：
Research Grant
财政年份：
2012
资助国家：
英国
起止时间：
2012 至无数据
项目状态：
已结题

来源：
https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=ES%2FK003895%2F1
关键词：
Exit Voice Accommodation white working

项目摘要

In the past decade in Britain, the 'white working-class' has been the focus of unprecedented media and policy attention. While class is a longstanding discursive category, the prefix 'white' is an important rider. We live in an era of global migration. Population pressure from the global South, and demand for workers in the developed North, will power what some term a 'third demographic transition' involving significant declines in the white majority populations of the western world (Coleman 2010). In the UK, the upsurge in diversity arguably presents a greater challenge for the working-class part of the white British population than for the middle class. Why? First, because for lower-status members of dominant groups, their ethnic identity tends to be their most prestigious social identity (Yiftachel 1999). Second, minorities tend to be from disadvantaged backgrounds and are therefore more likely to compete for housing and jobs with the white working class. Finally, because the white working-class is less comfortable navigating the contours of the new global knowledge economy than the middle class, it is more attached to existential securities rooted in the local and national context (Skey 2011). How might the white working class respond to increasing diversity? Drawing upon Albert O. Hirschman's classic book Exit, Voice and Loyalty (1970), we posit three possible responses: 'exit', 'voice' and 'accommodation.' The first possibility is white 'exit': geographic segregation, or, in the extreme, 'white flight'. A second avenue is 'voice': spearheading an identity politics based on opposition to immigration and voting for white nationalist parties. A third possibility is accommodation, in which members of the white working-class become more comfortable with elevated levels of ethnic diversity in their neighbourhood and nation. From exploratory research and existing literature, we suggest that a three-stage pattern of voice, exit and accommodation may be a useful way of thinking about white working-class responses to diversity in the UK. In other words, initial diversity meets strong white working-class resistance, expressed in attitudes and voting. This is followed by a degree of white outmigration, and then by a decline in anti-immigration sentiment and far right voting. Yet these broad patterns require finer-grained analysis that takes both individual characteristics and local context into account. This project will test these propositions through quantitative and qualitative research. There are three major dimensions of white working class attitudes and behaviour we seek to explain. Namely, whether members of the white working-class: 1) are more likely than other groups to leave or avoid areas with large or growing minority populations; 2) oppose immigration more strongly if they reside in diverse or ethnically changing wards and local authorities; and 3) support far right parties more if they reside in diverse or ethnically changing wards and local authorities. The quantitative research will be based on ONS longitudinal survey and census data, as well the large-scale Citizenship Surveys and Understanding Society surveys. We will identify individual respondents from the quantitative research and explore their responses through qualitative work, in the form of three focus groups - two in Greater London, one in Birmingham. These will probe connections between respondents' local and national identities, their intentions to move neighbourhood, and their opinions on immigration, interethnic relations, community cohesion and voting behaviour. A central question we seek to answer is whether inter-ethnic contact reduces white working-class antagonism toward minorities (the contact hypothesis), or whether increased diversity leads to white flight, leaving relatively tolerant whites remaining in diverse neighbourhoods. The latter, 'hydraulic' process mimics the contact hypothesis but does not signify increased accommodation.

在过去的十年里，英国的“白人工人阶级”成为了媒体和政策前所未有的关注焦点。虽然阶级是一个由来已久的话语类别，但前缀“白色”是一个重要的附加条件。我们生活在一个全球移民的时代。来自全球南方的人口压力，以及发达北方对工人的需求，将推动一些人所说的“第三次人口转变”，其中涉及西方世界中占多数的白人人口的显著下降(Coleman 2010)。在英国，可以说，多样性的激增对英国白人人口中的工薪阶层构成了比中产阶级更大的挑战。为什么？首先，因为对于地位较低的占主导地位的成员来说，他们的种族认同往往是他们最负盛名的社会认同(Yiftakhel 1999)。其次，少数族裔往往来自弱势背景，因此更有可能与白人工人阶级争夺住房和就业机会。最后，由于白人工人阶级比中产阶级更不习惯于驾驭新的全球知识经济的轮廓，他们更关注植根于当地和国家背景下的生存安全(Skey 2011)。白人工人阶级可能会如何应对日益增长的多样性？根据阿尔伯特·O·赫希曼(Albert O.Hirschman)1970年出版的经典著作《退出、声音与忠诚》(Exit，Voice and Loyty，1970)，我们假设了三种可能的回答：“退出”、“声音”和“适应”。第一种可能性是白人“退出”：地理隔离，或者极端的“白人逃亡”。第二条途径是“发声”：带头开展基于反对移民和投票给白人民族主义政党的身份政治。第三种可能性是住宿，在这种情况下，白人工人阶级成员会更适应他们所在社区和国家种族多样性水平的提高。从探索性研究和现有文献中，我们认为，声音、退出和适应三个阶段的模式可能是思考英国白人工薪阶层对多元化的反应的有用方式。换句话说，最初的多样性遇到了白人工人阶级的强烈抵制，这体现在态度和投票上。紧随其后的是一定程度的白人外流，然后是反移民情绪和极右翼投票的下降。然而，这些广泛的模式需要更细粒度的分析，同时考虑到个人特征和当地背景。本项目将通过定量和定性研究来检验这些命题。我们试图解释白人工人阶级的态度和行为有三个主要方面。也就是说，白人工人阶级的成员是否：1)比其他群体更有可能离开或避免少数族裔人口众多或不断增长的地区；2)如果移民居住在多样化或种族变化的选区和地方当局，他们就更强烈地反对移民；3)如果极右翼政党居住在多样化或族裔变化的选区和地方当局，他们就更支持极右翼政党。定量研究将基于国家统计局的纵向调查和人口普查数据，以及大规模的公民调查和理解协会调查。我们将从量化研究中确定个别受访者，并通过定性工作探索他们的回应，形式为三个焦点小组-两个在大伦敦，一个在伯明翰。这些调查将探讨受访者的地方和国家认同、他们搬迁邻里的意图以及他们对移民、种族间关系、社区凝聚力和投票行为的看法之间的联系。我们试图回答的一个核心问题是，种族间的接触是否会减少白人工人阶级对少数族裔的敌意(接触假说)，还是增加多样性会导致白人逃离，让相对宽容的白人留在不同的社区。后者，“液压”过程模拟了接触假说，但并不意味着增加了适应能力。