Micro-level mapping: Understanding service hubs from service users' perspectives

ESRC：菲奥娜·朗：ES/P00069 X/1“住房第一”方案于2009年在阿尔伯塔的埃德蒙顿推出，其雄心勃勃的目标是通过为长期无家可归者提供永久性住房，然后提供综合支助，以客户选择为中心，结束无家可归现象。自实施以来，HF取得了一些成功的成果，例如，80%的HF参与者至少在12个月内保持了住房。从表面上看，这一举措似乎具有高度的社会进步性。然而，当在更广泛的无家可归者治理背景下考虑时，这种向HF的转变同时代表了从宿舍和救助中心等紧急支持形式的转变，因此也远离了“服务依赖型贫民窟”或“服务中心”（Evans，柯林斯和柴，2018）。服务中心由一系列小规模的、往往位于中心的服务组成，这些服务往往相互作用。这种贫困人口在空间上集中在贫困的、“不去”的地区，是支撑Wacquant城市边缘化概念的逻辑之一（1999）。Wacquant强调，这样的社区是国家规划和住房政策的产物，因此它们的扩散在很大程度上是一个政治问题。从这个角度来看，埃德蒙顿的住房政策可以部分地被视为试图分散其无家可归者服务中心。虽然有多种原因可能是无家可归人口的社会空间管理的基础，但Evans和DeVerteuil（2018）强调了城市绅士化的重要性。然而，埃文斯柯林斯和柴（2018）探讨了弹性埃德蒙顿的市中心服务中心在面对中产阶级化;确定用于防御流离失所的战略，并强调弹性的安全，福祉和无家可归人口的生存的重要性。因此，本研究项目将探讨HF之后服务中心的弹性。一些研究试图探索这一主题，首先绘制服务中心的地理位置，然后对这些服务的代表（DeVerteuil，2012; Evans，柯林斯和Chai，2018）或这些服务的用户（Kearns等人，2019）进行访谈。这些研究开始，确定中观层次的服务枢纽组合，然后集中在微观层次的帐户。这项研究不是以预先建立的服务中心地图为出发点，而是代表了一种新的方法，这将鼓励无家可归者创建自己的地图;使用微观层面的帐户，以确定中观层面的集合。一种自下而上的方法来绘制无家可归的城市可以揭示这些景观的“隐藏”方面，这些景观可能对非无家可归的人来说是不可见的，例如闭路电视摄像机（Kiddey，2014）。此外，由于“城市环境既塑造了居住在城市中的所有人，也被居住在城市中的所有人塑造了”（Cloke，May和Johnsen，2008：241），以这种方式重新绘制城市可以引起人们对无家可归者在规则和抵制的背景下通过战术谈判和自发情绪改造空间的方式的注意。我将在方便的情况下招募参与者，要求在他们进行日常活动时陪伴他们。全球定位系统技术将用于跟踪这些日常移动，从而创建一个单独的服务中心地图（Hall和Smith，2013年）。我将把联合收割机GPS制图与自动摄影结合起来，要求参与者拍摄他们使用或对他们有意义的地方（约翰森，梅和克洛克，2008年）。伴随的谈话将被视为一种非结构化的面试。本研究将定位在不断变化的地形无家可归者治理的个人叙述，以探讨在HF之后的埃德蒙顿的服务中心的弹性。还将根据现有的服务中心地图绘制全球定位系统地图，以评估汇合点和分歧点。

ESRC : Fiona Long: ES/P00069X/1Housing First was introduced in Edmonton, Alberta in 2009 and had the ambitious goals of ending homelessness by giving chronically homeless people a permanent home, followed by the provision of wrap-around support, with client choice being a central aspect. Since implementation, HF has yielded several successful outcomes, for example, 80% of HF participants have remained housed for at least 12 months. On the face of it, this move appears to be highly socially progressive. However, when considered within wider context of homeless governance, this shift towards HF simultaneously represents a shift away from forms of emergency support such as hostel and drop-in centres, and consequently a move away from 'service-dependent ghettos' or 'service hubs' (Evans, Collins and Chai, 2018). Service hubs consist of a range of small-scale, often centrally located services, which tend to interact with one another. This spatial concentration of impoverished individuals in deprived, 'no-go' areas is one of the logics underpinning Wacquant's concept of urban marginality (1999). Wacquant emphasises that such neighbourhoods are the creation of state planning and housing policies, and that their diffusion is therefore largely a political issue. Viewed from this perspective, Edmonton's housing policy can be seen in part as an attempt to disperse its homeless service hub. Whilst multiple reasons may underly the socio-spatial management of homeless populations, Evans and DeVerteuil (2018) highlight the prominence of urban gentrification. However, Evans Collins and Chai (2018) have explored the resilience Edmonton's downtown service hub in the face of gentrification; identifying strategies used to defend against displacement and stressing the importance of resilience for the security, wellbeing, and survival of homeless populations. This research project will therefore explore the resilience of service hubs in the wake of HF. A number of studies have sought to explore this topic by first mapping the geographical locations of service hubs and then conducting interviews with either representatives of those services (DeVerteuil, 2012; Evans, Collins and Chai, 2018) or users of those services (Kearns et al, 2019). These studies begin by identifying meso-level service hub assemblages, before focusing on micro-level accounts. Rather than taking a pre-established map of service hubs as its starting point, this study represents a new methodological approach, which will encourage homeless individuals to create their own maps; using micro-level accounts to identify meso-level assemblages. A bottom-up approach to mapping homeless cities can unveil 'hidden' aspects of these landscapes which may be invisible to non-homeless people e.g. CCTV cameras (Kiddey, 2014). Further, as the 'urban environment both shapes and is shaped by all those who inhabit it' (Cloke, May and Johnsen, 2008: 241), remapping the city in this way can draw attention to the ways in homeless individuals rework space through both tactical negotiations and spontaneous emotions within the context of regulation and resistance. I will recruit participants on a convenience basis, asking to accompany them whilst they go about their usual routines. GPS technology will be used to track these daily movements, thereby creating an individual service hub map (Hall and Smith, 2013). I will combine GPS-mapping with auto-photography, by asking participants photograph places which they utilise or are significant to them (Johnsen, May and Cloke, 2008). Accompanying conversations will be conceived as a type of unstructured interview. This study will locate individual narratives within the changing terrains homeless governance, in order to explore the resilience of Edmonton's service hub in the wake of HF. GPS maps will also be plotted against existing service hub maps to assess points of convergence and divergence.