Critical Freedom: Between Lacan and Deleuze and Guattari

主流政治哲学习惯上将自由理解为具有确定身份的主体追求其利益的能力。最近的主体理论反过来通过指出主体本身受制于权力、身体和遗传的方式，从而削弱了主体的代理能力，从而无法控制自己的代理能力。根据这些描述，主体要么拥有透明和有意识的代理，要么由产生它的结构决定。因此，自由理论只能在主体的意志论或决定论概念之间进行选择。我的研究将使用Jacques Lacan、Gilles Deleuze和Félix Guattari的工作，以阐述一个能够推动关于自由的讨论超越僵局的“关键自由”的概念。通过这样做，它不仅将对主体的主体和产生主体的结构之间的关系产生一种新的解读，而且还将修正长期以来的观点，即德勒兹和瓜塔里的思想与拉康的思想从根本上是不相容的。这纠正了对德勒兹、瓜塔里和拉康如何协调的认真考虑，并揭示了他们交流中最有趣、最重要但被忽视的一些方面。这个项目开发的自由概念也将与自由主义、马克思主义和无政府主义的自由观进行对话，以展示它如何增强被称为后无政府主义的理论提供的更新的想法。这将明确后无政府主义理论如何更充分地利用后结构主义资源来推进自己的政治观和政治观。

Mainstream political philosophy customarily understands freedom as the capacity of a subject with a determinate identity to pursue its interests. Recent theories of the subject have in turn undermined the agency of the subject by pointing to the ways in which the subject itself is subjected to power, the body and genetics and consequently not in control of its own agential capacity. By these accounts, the subject either possesses transparent and conscious agency or is determined by the structures that produce it. Theories of freedom are therefore left to choose between a voluntarist or determinist concept of the subject. My research will use the work of Jacques Lacan, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in order to elaborate a notion of 'critical freedom' that is able to advance discussions of freedom beyond this impasse. In doing so, it will not only produce a novel reading of the relationship between the agency of the subject and the structures that produce it, but will also revise the long-held view that Deleuze and Guattari's thought is fundamentally incompatible with Lacan's. This redresses an absence of serious consideration of how Deleuze, Guattari and Lacan can be aligned, and brings to light some of the most interesting and important but overlooked aspects of their exchanges. The concept of freedom this project develops will also be brought into conversation with liberal, Marxist, and anarchist notions of freedom to show how it can enhance more recent ideas offered by what has become known as 'post-anarchist' theory. This will make clear how post-anarchist theory can utilize poststructuralist resources more fully to advance its own conception of politics and the political.