Youth Engagement in Young Democracies: Assessing the Patterns, Processes and Impact of Youth Engagement in Ukraine

青年民主国家的青年参与：评估乌克兰青年参与的模式、过程和影响

• 批准号: 2301974
• 金额: --
• 依托单位: University of Manchester
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Studentship
• 财政年份: 2019
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2019 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 未结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=studentship-2301974
• 关键词: Youth; Engagement; Young; Democracies; Assessing

Economic globalization, marginalization, and precarity have contributed to mobility, mass protest, and insurgency. Young people play a significant role in sustaining protest movements, and represent a core demographic in internal displacement and migration. Analysts have pointed to the interdependence of these two forms of mobilisation, and theoretical expectations of their drivers overlap significantly. The relationship between them has been theorized at the macro (De Haas & Sigona 2012), and individual levels (Hirschman 1993), yet the literatures on protest and migration tend to be discrete. This project takes Ukraine as a case to consider critically the relationship between youth engagement, protest and migration at moments of heightened political crisis and conflict. This includes analysis of the micro-foundations of mobilisation as mass protest and migration, in contextual and structural perspective, and exploration of the dynamics between them. What motivates and mobilises post-communist youth to become socially and politically engaged? In displacement how do people participate in the political and civic life of their home? Further, how does youth mobilisation in, across, and out of Ukraine relate to democratisation and peace development? I draw on the literatures of contentious politics (protest behaviour), and migration theory. Scholars exploring youth engagement highlight two concurrent patterns: although youth are less likely to vote than older generations (Blais & Dobrzynska 1998; Esser & De Vreese 2007), they are more likely to join and become the 'hard core' of grassroots/protest initiatives (Habermas 1971; Saunders et al. 2012). Scholars identify a further puzzle: post-communist generations appear less supportive of democratic transition, and disconnected from liberal democratic norms (Pop-Eleches & Tucker 2013). This raises questions for the role of youth engagement in shaping the socio-political landscape of democracies and democratizing societies. Although youth initially exhibited high rates of electoral engagement after transition (Blum 2014; Nikolayenko 2017), these competing theoretical expectations seem to map onto empirical realities in Ukraine. Youth have abstained from voting but engage at high rates in non-government, volunteer, social movements, and political party youth-wing organizations. They have been the central force behind two democratic revolutions in 2004 and 2014 (Onuch 2014). There is some indication that they engage in non-partisan political organization, championing decentralization, anti-corruption and multi-culturalism (KIIS 2018). Ukraine has been a moderate migrant producing country, but a succession of events since EuroMaidan, and armed hostilities in the east, precipitated mass displacement, internally, to Russia, and the EU. Five years on, out-migration continues, predominantly recorded as economic. Although little is known about the patterns and process of youth engagement in Ukraine and regionally, it is seen as key to peace development, and a priority in policy sectors, promoted by international actors. Developing understanding of what motivates, mobilizes, disincentivizes and demobilizes, youth socio-political engagement is vital for scholars of post-authoritarian democratic participation, and policy makers. This project strikes the dual phenomenon of low rates of electoral engagement and high rates of policy-focused civil society engagement for youth. It seeks to make an important contribution to scholarly and policy knowledge, with scope to: place Ukraine in comparative regional perspective; analyse patterns of youth engagement over time and space; explore determinants and dynamics of protest and migration, as two forms of mobilisation, participating in theoretical discourse; and elucidate the political impact of youth engagement around democratisation and peace development. The project should have direct policy impact through the British Council in Ukraine.

经济全球化、边缘化和早熟助长了流动性、大规模抗议和叛乱。年轻人在维持抗议运动方面发挥着重要作用，是国内流离失所和移徙的核心群体。分析人士指出，这两种形式的动员是相互依赖的，理论上对它们的驱动因素的预期有很大重叠。他们之间的关系已经在宏观(De Haas&Sigona，2012年)和个人层面(Hirschman，1993)进行了理论化，但关于抗议和移民的文献往往是离散的。该项目以乌克兰为例，在政治危机和冲突加剧的时刻，批判性地考虑青年参与、抗议和移民之间的关系。这包括从背景和结构的角度分析作为大规模抗议和移民的动员的微观基础，以及探索它们之间的动态。是什么激励和动员后共产主义时代的年轻人参与社会和政治活动？在流离失所的情况下，人们如何参与其家园的政治和公民生活？此外，在乌克兰境内、全国和境外动员青年与民主化与和平发展有何关系？我借鉴了有争议的政治(抗议行为)和移民理论的文献。研究青年参与的学者强调了两种共同的模式：尽管青年比老一辈人更不可能投票(Blais&Dobrzynska 1998；Esser&de Vreese 2007)，但他们更有可能加入并成为基层/抗议活动的“核心”(Haberas 1971；Saunders等人)。2012年)。学者们发现了另一个谜题：后共产主义时代的人似乎不那么支持民主过渡，与自由民主规范脱节(Pop-Electric&Tucker 2013)。这引发了青年参与在塑造民主国家和民主化社会的社会政治格局方面的作用的问题。尽管青年在过渡后最初表现出很高的选举参与率(Blum 2014；Nikolayenko 2017)，但这些相互矛盾的理论预期似乎映射到乌克兰的经验现实中。年轻人放弃了投票，但在非政府组织、志愿者组织、社会运动和政党青年派别组织中的参与率很高。他们是2004年和2014年两次民主革命(2014年)的核心力量。有一些迹象表明，他们参与了无党派的政治组织，倡导权力下放、反腐败和多元文化主义(KIIS 2018)。乌克兰一直是一个温和的移民生产国，但自欧洲独立广场以来发生的一系列事件，以及东部的武装敌对行动，促使国内大规模流离失所，流向俄罗斯和欧盟。五年过去了，外流移民仍在继续，主要记录为经济移民。尽管人们对乌克兰和区域青年参与的模式和进程知之甚少，但它被视为和平发展的关键，也是国际行为者推动的政策部门的优先事项。对于研究后威权民主参与的学者和政策制定者来说，加深对是什么激励、动员、抑制和复员青年社会政治参与的理解是至关重要的。该项目克服了选举参与率低和以政策为重点的民间社会青年参与率高的双重现象。它力求对学术和政策知识作出重要贡献，范围包括：从比较区域的角度看待乌克兰；分析青年参与时间和空间的模式；探讨作为两种动员形式的抗议和移徙的决定因素和动态；参与理论讨论；阐明青年参与围绕民主化与和平发展的政治影响。该项目应该通过乌克兰的英国文化协会产生直接的政策影响。