Youth Engagement in Young Democracies: Assessing the Patterns, Processes and Impact of Youth Engagement in Ukraine

经济全球化、边缘化和不稳定性助长了流动性、大规模抗议和叛乱。青年人在维持抗议运动方面发挥着重要作用，是境内流离失所和移徙的核心人口。分析人士指出，这两种形式的动员是相互依赖的，理论上对它们的驱动因素的预期也有很大的重叠。它们之间的关系已经在宏观（De哈斯& Sigona 2012）和个人层面（Hirschman 1993）进行了理论化，但关于抗议和移民的文献往往是离散的。该项目以乌克兰为例，批判性地考虑在政治危机和冲突加剧时青年参与、抗议和移徙之间的关系。这包括分析动员的微观基础，如大规模抗议和移民，在上下文和结构的角度来看，并探索它们之间的动态。是什么激励和动员后共产主义青年参与社会和政治？在流离失所的情况下，人们如何参与其家园的政治和公民生活？此外，乌克兰境内、境外的青年动员与民主化和和平发展有何关系？我借鉴了有争议的政治（抗议行为）和移民理论的文献。探索青年参与的学者强调了两个并发模式：虽然年轻人不太可能比老一辈投票（Blais & Dobrzynska 1998; Esser & De Vreese 2007），但他们更有可能加入并成为基层/抗议活动的“核心”（Habermas 1971; Saunders et al. 2012）。学者们发现了另一个难题：后共产主义时代的人似乎不太支持民主过渡，与自由民主规范脱节（Pop-Eleches & Tucker 2013）。这就对青年参与塑造民主国家和民主化社会的社会政治格局的作用提出了疑问。虽然青年在过渡后最初表现出较高的选举参与率（Blum 2014; Nikolayenko 2017），但这些相互竞争的理论预期似乎反映了乌克兰的经验现实。青年人放弃投票，但参与非政府组织、志愿者、社会运动和政党青年组织的比例很高。他们是2004年和2014年两次民主革命背后的核心力量（Onuch 2014）。有迹象表明，他们参与无党派政治组织，倡导权力下放，反腐败和多元文化主义（KIIS 2018）。乌克兰一直是一个温和的移民生产国，但自EuroMaidan以来发生的一系列事件以及东部的武装敌对行动促使大规模流离失所，国内，俄罗斯和欧盟。五年过去了，向外移民仍在继续，主要是经济移民。虽然对乌克兰和区域青年参与的模式和过程知之甚少，但它被视为和平发展的关键，也是国际行为体推动的政策部门的优先事项。发展什么动机，动员，disincentivises和复员，青年社会政治参与的理解是至关重要的后独裁民主参与的学者，和政策制定者。该项目突出了青年参与选举的比率低和注重政策的民间社会参与比率高的双重现象。它旨在为学术和政策知识做出重要贡献，其范围包括：将乌克兰置于比较区域视角;分析青年参与的时间和空间模式;探索抗议和移民的决定因素和动态，作为两种形式的动员，参与理论话语;并阐明青年参与民主化与和平发展的政治影响。该项目应通过英国驻乌克兰理事会产生直接的政策影响。

Economic globalization, marginalization, and precarity have contributed to mobility, mass protest, and insurgency. Young people play a significant role in sustaining protest movements, and represent a core demographic in internal displacement and migration. Analysts have pointed to the interdependence of these two forms of mobilisation, and theoretical expectations of their drivers overlap significantly. The relationship between them has been theorized at the macro (De Haas & Sigona 2012), and individual levels (Hirschman 1993), yet the literatures on protest and migration tend to be discrete. This project takes Ukraine as a case to consider critically the relationship between youth engagement, protest and migration at moments of heightened political crisis and conflict. This includes analysis of the micro-foundations of mobilisation as mass protest and migration, in contextual and structural perspective, and exploration of the dynamics between them. What motivates and mobilises post-communist youth to become socially and politically engaged? In displacement how do people participate in the political and civic life of their home? Further, how does youth mobilisation in, across, and out of Ukraine relate to democratisation and peace development? I draw on the literatures of contentious politics (protest behaviour), and migration theory. Scholars exploring youth engagement highlight two concurrent patterns: although youth are less likely to vote than older generations (Blais & Dobrzynska 1998; Esser & De Vreese 2007), they are more likely to join and become the 'hard core' of grassroots/protest initiatives (Habermas 1971; Saunders et al. 2012). Scholars identify a further puzzle: post-communist generations appear less supportive of democratic transition, and disconnected from liberal democratic norms (Pop-Eleches & Tucker 2013). This raises questions for the role of youth engagement in shaping the socio-political landscape of democracies and democratizing societies. Although youth initially exhibited high rates of electoral engagement after transition (Blum 2014; Nikolayenko 2017), these competing theoretical expectations seem to map onto empirical realities in Ukraine. Youth have abstained from voting but engage at high rates in non-government, volunteer, social movements, and political party youth-wing organizations. They have been the central force behind two democratic revolutions in 2004 and 2014 (Onuch 2014). There is some indication that they engage in non-partisan political organization, championing decentralization, anti-corruption and multi-culturalism (KIIS 2018). Ukraine has been a moderate migrant producing country, but a succession of events since EuroMaidan, and armed hostilities in the east, precipitated mass displacement, internally, to Russia, and the EU. Five years on, out-migration continues, predominantly recorded as economic. Although little is known about the patterns and process of youth engagement in Ukraine and regionally, it is seen as key to peace development, and a priority in policy sectors, promoted by international actors. Developing understanding of what motivates, mobilizes, disincentivizes and demobilizes, youth socio-political engagement is vital for scholars of post-authoritarian democratic participation, and policy makers. This project strikes the dual phenomenon of low rates of electoral engagement and high rates of policy-focused civil society engagement for youth. It seeks to make an important contribution to scholarly and policy knowledge, with scope to: place Ukraine in comparative regional perspective; analyse patterns of youth engagement over time and space; explore determinants and dynamics of protest and migration, as two forms of mobilisation, participating in theoretical discourse; and elucidate the political impact of youth engagement around democratisation and peace development. The project should have direct policy impact through the British Council in Ukraine.