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"Making Ulster the tourists Mecca": tourism, identity and modernization in the north of Ireland, 1901-1971

"Making Ulster the tourists Mecca": tourism, identity and modernization in the north of Ireland, 1901-1971
“让阿尔斯特成为游客的圣地”:爱尔兰北部的旅游业、身份认同和现代化,1901-1971 年
批准号:
2429323
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金额:
$0.0万
依托单位:
依托单位国家:
英国
项目类别:
Studentship
财政年份:
2020
资助国家:
英国
项目状态:
已结题
起止时间:
2020 至 --

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中文摘要
翻译
学者们密切关注英国和爱尔兰旅游业发展的形象和现实,从它如何激发民族主义运动到它在发展农村和城市地区的重要性(例如,Cronin和O‘Connor,关于爱尔兰;Lickorish,2005,关于英国)。关于英国和爱尔兰南部旅游业的研究很多,但对爱尔兰北部(和北爱尔兰)的研究还很少。政治主导了学术兴趣:许多关于旅游业的研究要么关注分治前的时期,要么关注动乱的影响和遗留问题(James,2012;Lesley,1999)。就连斯蒂芬·博伊德(Stephen Boyd)也承认,对于这6个县来说,关于旅游业在战后最初几十年和战后几十年(直到1960年)所起作用的文章很少(博伊德,2017,2013,2019年)。在这个博士学位中,我试图探索和挑战对爱尔兰北部旅游文化缺乏深入分析的问题。我讲述的是1901年至1971年期间的旅游业发展,这段时期从维多利亚女王去世一直到阿尔斯特71公民节日--阿尔斯特的治理和更广泛的旅游业发展都发生了政治和社会变革。回答我的三个研究问题将显示变化和连续性,并以阿尔斯特的许多民族宗教研究经常缺乏的方式阐明身份和发展的争议性(O‘Connell,2013)。我的论文将对更广泛的现代旅游业史学做出贡献,更多地贡献于一个关于结构性分裂社会中的场所推广和身份创造的案例研究。在这篇论文中,我将问:1.关于旅游发展的论述在多大程度上反映了这一时期的联合主义政治目标以及关于明确的“阿尔斯特”身份的辩论?2.不同的利益相关者,如酒店、地方议会、企业和(1921年后)斯托蒙特政府如何互动,以促进旅游业发展,并应对它提出的问题?3.围绕阿尔斯特旅游业的论述反映了爱尔兰、英国和其他地区更广泛的技术、政治和文化发展,如战争和分裂或媒体的发展,还是与之背道而驰?为了回答这些问题,我将结合对政府和志愿协会的广泛档案研究,以及对当地和地区媒体的流行话语以及当代作家和艺术家的作品的仔细分析,例如圣约翰·埃尔文(阿尔斯特农村身份的推动者)。我将与旅游学者(例如克罗宁和奥康纳,2003)一起,利用阿尔斯特博物馆等机构收藏的当代海报、照片和艺术品,‘阅读’城市和乡村环境的文化表现和象征意义。在北爱尔兰公共档案局、爱尔兰国家档案馆和伦敦的国家档案馆可以找到与旅游发展倡议有关的政府信件、立法和报告。北爱尔兰的当地博物馆/图书馆,如堤道博物馆服务处和亚麻厅图书馆,收藏着包括旅游指南在内的材料,这些材料是研究餐位制作/身份识别的学者使用的关键来源(Ward,2005,Walton和Wood,2013)。这些将有助于绘制关于爱尔兰北部旅游业的流行论述。结合对当地媒体(Bingham,2010)、当代出版物和记事的仔细分析,将有可能发现利益相关者和评论员如何在围绕旅游发展的关键问题上在公共领域进行互动。我还将进行有限数量(最多10次)的口述历史采访(遵循北爱尔兰口述历史学家布赖森,2007年的方法),采访战后参与旅游业的人(如北方旅游局成员);我已经与几个愿意接受采访的人取得了联系。
英文摘要
Scholars have paid close attention to the imagery and reality of tourist development in Britain and Ireland, from how it galvanized nationalist movements to its importance in developing rural and municipal areas (e.g. Cronin and O'Connor, 2003, on Ireland; Lickorish, 2005, on Britain). Studies of British and southern Irish tourism abound, but focus on the north of Ireland (and Northern Ireland) is lacking. Politics dominate academic interest: many studies of tourism focus either on the period before partition or the impact and legacy of the Troubles (James, 2012; Lesley, 1999). Even Stephen Boyd, who has written on the region, has admitted that for the 6 counties, 'little has been written about the role that tourism played in the early decades after its creation up to the war and the decades post war until 1960' (Boyd, 2017, 2013, 2019). In this PhD I attempt to explore and challenge the lack of in-depth analysis into the culture of tourism in the north of Ireland. I cover tourist development between 1901 and 1971, the period from the death of Queen Victoria until the "Ulster 71" civic festival - a period of political and social change in both the governance of Ulster and the development of tourism more broadly. Answering my 3 research questions will show both change and continuity, and illuminate the contested nature of identity and development in a way that is often lacking in many ethno-religious studies of Ulster (O'Connell, 2013). My thesis will contribute to the broader historiography of modern tourism by more contributing a case-study of place promotion and identity creation in a structurally divided society. In this thesis I will ask: 1. To what extent did the discourse around tourist development reflect Unionist political goals in this period and the debate over a distinct 'Ulster' identity? 2. How did different stakeholders such as hotels, local councils, businesses and (after 1921) the Stormont government interact to promote tourist development and confront the issues it presented? 3. Did the discourse around tourism in Ulster reflect or diverge from wider technological, political and cultural developments in the rest of Ireland, Britain and beyond, such as war and partition or development of the media? To answer these questions, I will combine extensive archival research of governmental and voluntary associations with careful analysis of prevailing discourses in the local and regional press and the works of contemporary writers and artists, such as St John Ervine (a promoter of Ulster's rural identity). Along with scholars of tourism (e.g. Cronin and O'Connor, 2003) I will 'read' the cultural representation and symbolism of both urban and rural environments, using contemporary posters, photographs and artworks in the collections of institutions like the Ulster Museum. Government correspondence, legislation and reports related to tourist development initiatives can be found in the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, the National Archives of Ireland and the National Archives in London. Local museums/libraries in Northern Ireland such as the Causeway Museum Services and the Linen Hall Library hold material including travel guides, key sources that have been used by scholars of placemaking/identity (Ward, 2005, Walton and Wood, 2013). These will help chart the prevailing discourses about tourism in the north of Ireland. Combining these with close analysis of the local press (Bingham, 2010), contemporary publications and ephemera it will be possible to discover how stakeholders and commentators interacted in the public sphere over key issues around tourist development. I will also undertake a limited number (max.10) of oral history interviews (following the methodology of Northern Irish oral historian Bryson, 2007) with those involved with the tourist industry in the post-war period (such as members of the Northern Tourist Board); I have already made contact with several people who are willing to be interviewed.
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