An ethnography of contemporary traditional jazz on the streets of New Orleans

这个项目将研究新奥尔良的当代“传统爵士乐”。研究由两个相互关联的部分组成。首先，对活跃的音乐家/观众进行的民族志研究将集中在卡特里娜飓风后新音乐家的涌入、城市流离失所、士绅化、种族和旅游业。其次，数字民族志将质疑这些音乐家/观众对数字媒体的使用，以及它对当地和全球社区的影响。该项目将有助于在城市移民和数字无处不在的背景下，推动关于音乐和社会的紧迫跨学科辩论。Sakakeeny(2020)强调，“流离失所一直是美国身份认同的核心”。可以说，最近一个明显的例子是2005年卡特里娜飓风后的国内流离失所。因此，新奥尔良发生了重大的人口结构变化，估计有10万非裔美国人尚未返回该市(诺瓦科夫斯基，2015)。这一运动不是单向的。相反，这座城市吸引了许多“移民”：在卡特里娜飓风之前并不出生或生活在这座城市的城市居民。人口数据表明，这些居民主要是白人(数据中心2020)。然而，阶层数据并不那么容易获得，然而，受过大学教育的单身居民数量的增长可能表明，他们是一个更专业、地理流动性更强的中产阶级群体。有关于流离失所和迁入对当地社区和文化的影响的重要讨论(例如，约翰逊2015年；帕雷克2015年)。这还不包括由新来的城市居民组成的爵士乐队。如果一些新来的人试图限制现有的当地做法(Sakakeeny 2010；Parekh 2015)，那么这些(白人)音乐家则为城市的音景做出了贡献--这是一种以声音为基础的遗产旅游战略，该战略试图开发和商品化当地(黑人)文化，混淆种族和阶级不平等，以支持大众市场上真实的多元文化乌托邦的形象(Thomas，2009；Reed Jr.新奥尔良的人民和音乐历来“与他们在媒体中的表现纠缠在一起……并……贡献了一个循环系统”(Sakakeeny，2011)。在参与式Web2.0平台的时代，这一点变得更加复杂。互联网在全球范围内的普及已经改变了我们与音乐互动的方式(Rainie And Wellman 2012)。此外，在线参与和消费对在线、线下音乐活动的上座率产生积极影响(Nguyen等人)。2014年)。考虑到在线上与该市新的传统爵士乐团体的参与度，以及在线参与可能等同于线下观看，这可能会对一个致力于音乐和遗产旅游的城市产生什么影响？这些问题在2020年的事件中尤为突出，当时这座城市迎来了旅游业，该市的传统爵士乐乐手们通过数字平台直播音乐会做出回应，而黑人生命也是运动动员了为种族平等而举行的抗议活动。这项研究的目的有两个。首先，在新奥尔良关于种族、流离失所和旅游业的当代和历史辩论的背景下，对移植传统爵士乐群体进行定性研究。第二，调查它们与全球数字和参与性媒体平台的关系。最初的研究问题如下：i.谁是“移植的”音乐家，是什么促使他们在新奥尔良演奏传统爵士乐？二、他们在哪些方面与这座城市、它现有的传统爵士乐音乐家以及它与种族和旅游业的复杂历史关系有关？三、音乐家和观众在多大程度上利用参与性数字媒体/网络2.0平台在全球层面上帮助传播当地音乐，目的是什么，这会产生什么影响？

This project will research contemporary "traditional jazz" in the city of New Orleans.Research consists of two interconnected parts. First, an ethnographic study of active musicians/audiences will focus on the influx of new musicians following Hurricane Katrina, urban displacement, gentrification, race, and tourism. Second, a digital ethnography will question the use of digital media by these musicians/audiences, and its impact on local and global communities.The project will contribute to pressing interdisciplinary debates on music and society in the context of urban migration and growing digital ubiquity.Sakakeeny (2020) highlights that "displacement has been central to American identity". Arguably, the most recent, visible example of this was the internal displacement following Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Consequently, New Orleans has witnessed significant demographic change, with an estimated 100,000 African Americans yet to return to the city (Nowakowski 2015). This movement has not been unidirectional. Rather, the city has attracted many "transplants": city residents who were not born or living in the city before Katrina. Demographic data suggests these residents are predominantly white (The Data Center 2020). Class data is not as readily available, however, growth in the number of single, college educated residents may suggest a more professional, geographically mobile, middle-class group. There is important discussion on the consequences of displacement and in-migration for the local community and culture (e.g. Johnson 2015; Parekh 2015). This has not included jazz bands formed from new city residents. If some new arrivals seek to limit existing local practices (Sakakeeny 2010; Parekh 2015), these (white) musicians are, in contrast, contributing to the soundscape of the city-a soundscape sonically anchoring a strategy of heritage tourism which seeks to exploit and commodify local (black) culture and obfuscate race and class inequality in favour of a mass-marketed image of an authentic multicultural utopia (Thomas 2009; Reed Jr. 2011).The people and music of New Orleans are historically "entangled with their representations in media...and...contribute a circulatory system" (Sakakeeny 2011). This is compounded in the age of participatory Web 2.0 platforms. The growing global availability of the internet has changed the way we interact with music (Rainie and Wellman 2012). Moreover, online participation and consumption positively impact on attendance at live, offline music events (Nguyen et al. 2014). Given the level of engagement with the city's new traditional jazz groups online, and that online engagement may equate to offline attendance, what might be the impact on a city dedicated to music and heritage tourism? Such questions are salient in the context of the events of 2020, which saw tourism to the city, its traditional jazz musicians respond by readily adopting live concert streaming across digital platforms, and the Black Lives Matter movement mobilise protests for racial equality.The purpose of this study is two-fold. First, to carry out qualitative research on transplant traditional jazz groups in the context of contemporary and historical debates on race, displacement, and tourism in New Orleans. Second, to investigate them in relation to global digital and participatory media platforms. The initial research questions are the following:i. Who are the "transplant" musicians and what motivates them to play traditional jazz in New Orleans? ii. In what ways do they relate to the city, its existing traditional jazz musicians, and its complex historical relationship with race and tourism? iii. To what extent do musicians and audiences utilise participatory digital media/web 2.0 platforms to aide in the dissemination of local music at a global level, for what purpose, and what are the impacts of this?