I am where I am not. What are the relationships between Irish Protestant identity and Orange Halls?

我在我不在的地方。

• 批准号: 2598694
• 金额: --
• 依托单位: University of Ulster
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Studentship
• 财政年份: 2021
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2021 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 未结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=studentship-2598694
• 关键词: am; where; not.; What; relationships

My title is inspired by Foucault's (1967) description of the mirror as a type of heterotopia. Being present, yet absent, encapsulates the ambivalence with which I view my own Protestant culture, into which I was placed by birth, but have abandoned by choice. Orange Halls are a visual trigger of this ambivalence. What is my relationship with Orange Halls and how they link to my inherited 'culture' and identity? I inherited a negatively-defined cultural identity which draws unity from not being the 'other' (Catholic/Nationalist). I was raised in an 'imagined' place (Ulster) and artificially created state (Northern Ireland). I exist in a liminal state as a dual citizen but feeling no true sense 6 (emotionally or culturally) of belonging to either country: this liminality is reflected in the feelings I experience when faced with Orange Halls. How can Irish Protestant identity be better conceptualised through a visual study of Orange Halls? Orange Halls reach the public consciousness largely as the subject of vandalism and arson. In fact the approximately 700 halls across Ireland vary greatly in both aesthetics and usage. Similarly the tendency towards binary definitions of cultural identity in Northern Ireland do not allow for the wider spectrum of Protestant identity which actually exists. How can a typology be created to visually classify Orange Halls? As explained below, Orange Halls have never been comprehensively examined in research. Available images are classified only by location: this represents an opportunity to make a significant contribution to the body of knowledge. Research Context: Orangeism has been part of Irish culture for over 3 centuries, and its influences have spread far beyond the doors of Orange Halls, which form a key part of its outward-facing identity. They exist in various states of 'graduation of invasion', their physical and metaphorical purpose threatened by demographic and political changes, secularism, vandalism, age, gentrification and in some cases, even nature. Despite their ubiquity, no comprehensive visual record exists of Orange Halls. Images of individual halls are featured on WikiCommons, Geograph.uk and National Inventory of Architectural Heritage websites and Google Images. Similarly, in much of the research around Orangeism, halls are conspicuous by their absence. Parading, bonfires, banners and history have been widely covered (Kennaway, 2006; Kaufmann, 2017; Jarman, 2020). A Google Scholar search for the term 'Orange Halls' currently yields no direct results. Similarly, while distinctive cultural aspects of Orangeism have been photographed extensively (Sloan, 1986; Seawright, 1991; Quinn, 2012), Orange Halls have not, with a few exceptions (Duncan, 2009; Schmitt, 2017). The halls are omnipresent in rural and urban environments, especially across the historical province of Ulster and it could be argued they are 'hidden in plain sight'; simply built, many have no external indicators of use. Many people remain unaware of their presence or purpose. My research will thus contribute to closing a significant gap in the existing body of knowledge. Traditional Ulster Protestant identity draws strength from a resistance to belonging to Ireland while clinging blindly to Britain; both are equally indifferent to its existence. In 2021, with the 100th anniversary of Northern Ireland, and as post-Brexit fallout continues to impact the whole island of Ireland these issues are more relevant than ever. My own upbringing and lived experience positions me uniquely to research themes of the insider-outsider dynamic at play. Issues of identity, nationality, belonging and personal borders are evident in diminishing material cultures worldwide (e.g. hammams, Japanese jazz cafes, churches, matchmaking), and this research may lead to conclusions which can be applied more widely to other cultural contexts, giving the study a global dimension.

我的题目是受福柯（1967）的启发，他把镜子描述为一种异托邦。在场，但又缺席，这概括了我对自己的新教文化的矛盾心理，我出生在那里，但我选择了放弃。橙子霍尔斯是这种矛盾心理的视觉触发器。我与橙子霍尔斯的关系是什么，它们如何与我继承的“文化”和身份联系在一起？我继承了一个负面定义的文化身份，它从不是“他者”（天主教徒/民族主义者）中团结起来。我是在一个“想象”的地方（阿尔斯特）和人为创造的国家（北方爱尔兰）长大的。我作为一个双重公民存在于一种临界状态中，但感觉不到真正的归属感（情感上或文化上）：这种临界状态反映在我面对橙子霍尔斯时的感受中。如何通过对橙子霍尔斯的视觉研究更好地概念化爱尔兰新教身份？橙子霍尔斯在很大程度上是作为破坏和纵火的主题而进入公众意识的。事实上，爱尔兰各地的大约700个霍尔斯在美学和使用方面都有很大的不同。同样，在北方爱尔兰，对文化身份的二元定义的趋势不允许实际存在的更广泛的新教身份。如何创建一个类型学来直观地对橙子霍尔斯进行分类？如下所述，橙子霍尔斯从来没有在研究中进行过全面的检查。可用的图像仅按位置分类：这代表了对知识体系做出重大贡献的机会。研究背景：奥兰治主义已经成为爱尔兰文化的一部分超过3个世纪，其影响已经远远超出了橙子霍尔斯的大门，这是其外向型身份的关键部分。它们存在于各种“入侵升级”的状态中，它们的物理和隐喻目的受到人口和政治变化、世俗主义、破坏行为、年龄、绅士化，在某些情况下甚至是自然的威胁。尽管它们无处不在，但没有关于橙子霍尔斯的全面的视觉记录。个别霍尔斯的图片在维基共享资源、Geograph.uk和国家建筑遗产目录网站和谷歌图片上有特色。同样，在许多关于奥兰治教的研究中，霍尔斯的缺席也是引人注目的。游行，篝火，横幅和历史被广泛报道（Kennaway，2006; Kaufmann，2017; Jarman，2020）。在谷歌学术搜索中搜索“橙子霍尔斯”一词目前没有直接结果。同样，虽然奥兰治主义独特的文化方面已经被广泛拍摄（斯隆，1986; Seawright，1991;奎因，2012），但橙子霍尔斯没有，只有少数例外（邓肯，2009;施密特，2017）。这些霍尔斯在农村和城市环境中无处不在，特别是在历史悠久的阿尔斯特省，可以说它们“隐藏在普通的视线中”;简单地建造，许多没有使用的外部指标。许多人仍然不知道他们的存在或目的。因此，我的研究将有助于填补现有知识体系中的一个重大空白。传统的阿尔斯特新教徒身份从对属于爱尔兰的抵制中汲取力量，同时盲目地依附于英国;两者都对英国的存在同样漠不关心。2021年，随着北方爱尔兰成立100周年，以及英国脱欧后的影响继续影响整个爱尔兰岛，这些问题比以往任何时候都更加重要。我自己的成长经历和生活经历使我能够独特地研究内部-外部动态的主题。身份，国籍，归属和个人边界的问题是显而易见的，在世界范围内减少物质文化（如土耳其浴室，日本爵士乐咖啡馆，教堂，婚介），这项研究可能会导致的结论，可以更广泛地适用于其他文化背景，使研究的全球层面。