The criminalisation of abortion in Germany, c. 1933-1955

在纳粹主义下，堕胎的监管是种族化的，对那些被认为是“不可接受的”人进行强制堕胎，而对同意的“雅利安”妇女进行堕胎则受到压制。战后，德国的法律的状况发生了很大变化，纳粹时代的一些法规仍然存在，对堕胎的司法压制达到了极端的高度。同样，当代（女性）对日常生活的看法在1945年也没有破裂。因此，我的博士研究了1945年堕胎的刑事化。1933-1955.首先，为了有助于“从下面”的性别历史，我会问：在这一时期，堕胎的刑事定罪揭示了目标社区内的性别关系？第二，审视法庭的另一面：这种国家压制是如何在公民和国家之间编码一种性别关系的？历史编纂尚未充分审查德国从20世纪30年代至50年代将堕胎定为刑事犯罪的实际影响。关于纳粹德国，历史学家们把重点放在了一项非常必要的任务上，即描述对犹太妇女、强迫劳动者或出于“优生”原因进行强迫堕胎的做法。因此，在许多方面，相对缺乏对压制堕胎的研究是有道理的。尽管如此，我认为，要充分理解该政权支持和反对生育政策的相互关系，有必要研究更多的反种族主义的生育控制方法--同时防止歧视那些从纳粹主义中受益的“种族上可取的”妇女。尽管关于1945年后德国的大部分史学仍然以关注话语为特征，最近的一些资料已开始探讨在实践中将堕胎定为刑事犯罪。在这里，压倒性的焦点在于盟军士兵大规模强奸后实施的堕胎。这项研究的唯一重点是与强奸有关的堕胎，这造成了双重危险。首先，通过它在确定外国肇事者方面造成的不平衡，它进一步推动了德国自我谴责的叙述。其次，对强奸的关注有可能将堕胎视为一种在残酷的侵犯之后发生的必然悲惨的过程。通过研究堕胎的流行概念以及国家对堕胎的定位，我的研究可以介入几场历史学辩论。性历史学家已经确定，由于战争条件和纳粹时代的野蛮行为，女性越来越被认为是性独立的。然而，这种发展在多大程度上是“解放”的仍然存在争议。审查被告在法庭上的行为和理由，以及当局对这些行为和理由的评价，可以深入了解性规范、双重标准和做法。通过研究男性伴侣的角色，我将有助于研究男性在家庭领域的角色和男性气质。因此，我的研究也位于纳粹和战后德国的私人生活史。历史学家指出，纳粹政权同时侵蚀和神圣化私人生活之间存在紧张关系。对公民生殖生活的干预提供了一个透镜，通过它可以观察国家与公民之间的关系，特别是不成比例地成为目标的工人阶级公民。我的主要来源基础将包括从德国不同地区抽样的司法和警察记录。在使用这些记录来检查当地的性别关系，我非常感谢-无论是方法论和理论-科妮莉Usborne，里贾纳舒尔特和其他人的工作，谁读的文件被构造成犯罪妇女作为重新要求妇女的看法，他们的身体和社会义务的来源。为了将被告的陈述置于背景中，我将从多个其他来源拼凑片段，包括医学话语，自我文件以及未经审查的广告。

Under Nazism, the policing of abortion was racialised, with forced abortions being performed on thosedeemed 'undesirable', while abortions performed on consenting 'Aryan' women were repressed. Immediately after the war, the legal situation in Germany varied greatly, with several Nazi-era regulationsremaining in place and the judicial repression of abortion reaching extreme heights. Similarly, contemporary (female) perceptions of everyday life were not ruptured in 1945. Thus, my DPhil examines the criminalisation of abortion across the year 1945, c. 1933-1955. Firstly, to contribute to a history of gender 'from below', I will ask: what does the criminalisation of abortion in this period reveal about gender relations within the communities targeted? Secondly, examining the other side of the courtroom: how did this state repression encode a gendered relationship between the citizen and the state?The historiography has yet to adequately examine the practical impacts of the German criminalisation ofabortion from the 1930s-1950s. Regarding Nazi Germany, historians have focused on the deeply necessary task of delineating practices of forced abortions performed on Jewish women, forced labourers or for 'eugenic' reasons. The comparative lack of research on the repression of abortion is thus in many ways justified. Nonetheless, I believe that to fully understand the interrelation of the regime's pro- and anti-natalist policies, it is necessary to examine more quotidian methods of fertility control - while guarding against victimising 'racially desirable' women who otherwise benefited from Nazism.While the bulk of the historiography on Germany post-1945 is still characterised by a focus on the discursive, more recent contributions have started exploring abortion's criminalisation in practice. Here, the overwhelming focus lies on abortions performed following the mass rapes by Allied soldiers. This research's exclusive focus on abortion in relation to rape poses a twofold danger. Firstly, through the imbalance it creates in identifying foreign perpetrators, it furthers narratives of German self-victimisation. Secondly, the focus on rape risks casting abortion as an invariably tragic procedure that followed a cruel violation.By examining popular conceptions of abortion and their targeting by the state, my research couldintervene in several historiographical debates.Historians of sexuality have established that women were increasingly (recognised as) sexually independent due to wartime conditions and Nazi-era incitements. Yet, the extent to which this development was 'liberatory' remains debated. Examining defendants' behaviour and justifications in court, as well as the authorities' evaluations of these, provides an insight into sexual norms, double-standards and practices. By examining the role of male partners, I will contribute to research on the role of men and masculinity in the domestic sphere.Thus, my research is also situated in the history of private life in Nazi and post-war Germany. Historians have pointed to a tension between the Nazi regime's simultaneous erosion and sanctification of private life. Interventions in citizens' reproductive lives provide a lens through which to view the relationship between the state and citizens, particularly the working-class citizens disproportionately targeted.My main source base will be comprised of judicial and police records sampled from different German regions. In using these records to examine local gender relations, I am greatly indebted - both methodologically and theoretically - to the work of Cornelie Usborne, Regina Schulte and others, who read documents constructed to criminalise women as sources for re-claiming women's perceptions of their bodies and social obligations. To contextualise defendants' statements, I will piece together fragments from multiple other sources, including medical discourse, ego-documents as well as uncensored advertisements.