Between Secularism and Islamism: Theorising Libyan Womanhood Post-Gaddafi

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The transformation of Libyan political culture (following the revolution in 2011) has coincided with an insurgence of feminist activism across the country, as women collectively enter the public sphere for the first time since the Islamisation of Libyan society in the 1970s. Accompanying this change is the uncritical acceptance (by numerous academics) of the narrative that places secularism in opposition to Islamism. This narrative often dominates the conversation surrounding contemporary Libyan politics and ultimately places Libyan women at the intersection of religion, secularism and localised patriarchy. Given this, my thesis aims to explore how local Libyan women's rights activists and/or feminists shape their activism around conversations pitting Islam against secularism.Considering the discursive issues presented within definitions of feminism, secularism and Islamism, I use the three terms here as a placeholder for a more nuanced treatment to follow in my thesis.Context and Contribution: It is no exaggeration to claim that scholarship on Libya has been neglected by academics, making her the least understood country in the Middle East and North Africa. Analysis of the predicament of women in particular is almost nonexistent (Spadaro and Yew, 2020). As Libya transitions away from Gadaffi's regime there has been increased interest from the global community in Libya's politics. However, given the lack of research into the country, research regarding her politics is conducted in isolation of Libya's social context. This perpetuates a narrow view of Libya's political context whereby the (alleged) clash of secular principles and Islamic law takes centre stage. This narrative assumes that ideology is the singular driving force for politics in Libya, despite the existence of other factors at play. The question of how gender impacts political participation must therefore be addressed. Historically, women have conducted their activism by drawing upon individual experiences this is in stark contrast to patriarchal activism which often inspires a national identity (Badran, 1994). This highlights the importance of moving beyond the discourse of secularism and Islamism which is conducted through a nationalist lens, to accurately theorise the lives of Libyan women. The lack of context into Libyan culture risks essentialising Libyan politics and perpetuates a patriarchal reading of Libyan lived experiences. My thesis aims to address these concerns by resisting essentialist and patriarchal readings of Libyan society and instead, uncover how Libyan women are affected by such discourse. Methodology: I will prioritise the use of primary sources including interviews, focus groups and document analysis within a decolonial theoretical framework. As an insider, I am well placed to conduct such research as I have knowledge of the country, I am familiar with the colloquial dialect and culture, and I possess a network base. I plan to use these credentials to create a purposive sample of women from feminist organisations to decipher how they interpret, view and engage with secularism and Islamism. My thesis seeks to conduct a discursive analysis of Libyan feminist viewpoints through the decolonial interview method of testimonies and storytelling. My choice to use such methods is to help shift the colonial power imbalance within academia (T. Smith, 2021) and to encourage in-depth answers from interviewees, whilst also leaving potential to be exposed to other discourses that may not yet have presented themselves to academics. Thirty recorded interviews should comfortably produce enough data to answer my questions. I intend to undertake this fieldwork in my second year of study (October 2023 until April 2024), primarily in Benghazi and Tripoli. Additionally, I aim to discern any mainstream narratives surrounding women through a discourse analysis of Libyan media. I possess an awareness of the political disposition of Libyan media